Are Israeli girls open to foreigners

Myths & Facts: German


"From 1947 to 1949, one million Palestinians were made homeless by the Israelis."
"Right from the start, the Jews left no doubt that they were not interested in peaceful coexistence with their Arab neighbors."
"The Jews are to blame for the refugee problem because they drove the Palestinians out."
"The Arab invasion had little effect on the Palestinian Arabs."
"The rulers and governments of the Arab states have never asked the Palestinians to flee."
"The Palestinian Arabs had to flee; otherwise they would have been killed like the peaceful inhabitants of the village of Deir Yassin."
"Israel did not allow the Palestinians to return to their homes so that the Jews could take their property."
"The UN resolutions demand that Israel repatriate the Palestinian refugees."
"Israel blocked the negotiations initiated by the Arbitration Commission for Palestine."
"The Palestinians who wanted to return to their homes did not pose a threat to Israel's security."
"The Palestinian refugees have been forgotten by an indifferent world."
"Most of the funds to support the Palestinian refugees came from the Arab states."
"The Arab states welcomed the Palestinians with open arms and did everything to give them a new home."
"Millions of Palestinians have to live in miserable refugee camps."
"Israel forced the Palestinian refugees to stay in camps in the Gaza Strip."
"Refugees have been repatriated at all times, only the Palestinians have not been allowed to return to their homeland."
"If the Palestinian refugees had been repatriated, the Israeli-Arab conflict would have long been resolved."
"In 1967 Israel expelled more Palestinians."

"From 1947 to 1949, one million Palestinians were made homeless by the Israelis."


The Palestinians who left their homeland in 1947-48 did so for a variety of reasons. Many wealthy people left the country for fear of an imminent war, thousands more Arabs responded to their rulers or governments' calls to make way for the advancing armies, a handful were driven out, but most of them simply fled to avoid being among them Fronts of war to face.
According to the Arabic reading, between 800,000 and a million Palestinians were displaced between 1947 and 1949. The last census was carried out by the British in 1945. At that time there were around 1.2 million Arabs in all of Palestine. On November 30, 1947, the day the United Nations voted in favor of partition, the total number of Arabs living within the borders of the State of Israel (as set out in the 1949 Armistice Agreement) was 809,100. One by the Israeli government in 1949 The ordered census showed 160,000 Arabs who were still living in the country after the war.1 This means that no more than 650,000 Palestinian Arabs could have fled. A report by the UN mediator for Palestine assumes an even lower figure, namely 472,000.2
You hear a lot about the misery of the Palestinian refugees, but hardly anything about the Jews who fled Arab states. For a long time their situation was extremely uncertain. During the UN debates of 1947, the Arab countries made massive threats against them. For example, the Egyptian delegate said before the general assembly: "The division would put the lives of a million Jews in Muslim countries at risk."3
The number of Jews who flew from Arab countries to Israel in the years following Israel's declaration of independence is roughly the same as the number of Arabs who left Palestine. Many Jews were not allowed to take more with them than the clothes they were wearing. These refugees did not want to be repatriated at all. So little was heard about them because they did not remain refugees for long. Of the 820,000 Jewish refugees, 586,000 were given a new home at high cost in Israel, without any offer of compensation from the Arab governments that had confiscated their property. For this reason, Israel has always insisted that an agreement on the compensation of the Palestinian refugees must also include the compensation of the Jewish refugees by the Arabs. To this day, the Arabs have vigorously refused such compensation for the hundreds of thousands of Jews who have been forced to abandon their belongings.

The contrast between the reception of the Jewish refugees in Israel and that of the Palestinian refugees in the Arab countries becomes even clearer when one thinks of the very different cultural and geographical uprooting that both groups experienced. Most Jewish refugees traveled hundreds - even thousands - of kilometers to a tiny country whose inhabitants spoke a language foreign to them. Most Arab refugees, on the other hand, did not even leave Palestine; they only moved a few kilometers to the other side of the armistice line, but remained embedded all the time in the great Arab people to which they belonged by linguistic, cultural and ethnic roots.

"Right from the start, the Jews left no doubt that they were not interested in peaceful coexistence with their Arab neighbors."


In numerous cases, the Jewish government asked the Arabs to remain in Palestine and become citizens of the new state of Israel. The Palestinian Jews (Assembly of Palestine Jewry) issued the following appeal on October 2, 1947:
"We will do everything in our power to keep the peace and to find a cooperation that will prove to be beneficial for both [Jews and Arabs]. Here and now, directly from Jerusalem, the call comes to the Arabs Nations to unite their forces with Judaism and the Jewish state and to work with it shoulder to shoulder for our common good, for the peace and progress of sovereign, equal states. "4
On November 30th, the day after the United Nations vote on the partition of Palestine, the Jewish Agency announced: "The main thrust of the spontaneous celebrations we see everywhere today is our community's desire for peace and its determination to admit it to find a fruitful collaboration with the Arabs ... "5

In Israel's declaration of independence on May 14, 1948, the Palestinians were asked to remain in their homeland and become equal citizens of the new state:
"We appeal - even during the bloody attack that has been carried out on us for months - to the members of the Arab people who live in the State of Israel to keep the peace and to build the state on the basis of full civil equality and Appropriate representation in all institutions of the state, the provisional and the final, to participate. We stretch out our hand to all neighboring states and their peoples for peace and good neighborliness and appeal to them to help the Jewish people who have become independent in their country to work together. "6

"The Jews are to blame for the refugee problem because they drove the Palestinians out."


If the Arabs had adopted the UN partition resolution of 1947, not a single Palestinian would have had to become a refugee, but there would now have been an independent Arab state alongside Israel. So the responsibility for the refugee problem rests solely with the Arabs.
The beginning of the Arab exodus can be dated to the weeks immediately following the announcement of the UN partition resolution. The first to leave the country were about 30,000 wealthy Arabs. They realized that war was about to break out and fled to neighboring Arab countries to wait for it to end. Less wealthy people from Jewish-Arab cities in Palestine moved to purely Arab cities and stayed with relatives or friends there.7 By the end of January 1948, the exodus had reached such alarming proportions that the Supreme Arab Committee of Palestine asked neighboring Arab countries not to issue visas to the refugees and to seal their borders.8

On January 30, 1948, Ash Sha'ab, a newspaper in Jaffa, said: "The vanguard of our Fifth Column consists of all those who abandon their homes and businesses and move to another place ... The first If they show signs of trouble, they take up their legs so as not to get involved in the fight. "9
As Sarih, another paper published in Jaffa, was indignant on March 30, 1948 at Arab villagers near Tel Aviv for "bringing shame on us all" by leaving the villages "".10

At around the same time, Hajj Nimer el-Khatib, one of the leading men on the Arab National Committee in Haifa, reported that Arab soldiers had been ill-treated against residents of Jaffa. "They looted people and houses. Their lives were nothing to them and they tarnished the honor of women. Because of this, many [Arab] residents have left the city under the protection of British tanks."11
John Bagot Glubb, the commander in chief of the Jordanian Arab Legion, said: "Often the villages were abandoned before their inhabitants were threatened by the spread of the war."12

The articles appearing in the daily press at the time about major battles in which many Arabs fled, tellingly, lack any evidence of forced evictions by the Jewish armed forces. The Arabs are usually said to "flee" or "evacuate their homes". The Zionists have been accused of "evicting and dispossessing" Arab residents from cities like Tiberias and Haifa, but the truth is very different. According to the partition resolution, the two cities were within the boundaries of the Jewish state and were fiercely fought over by Jews and Arabs alike.
The Jewish armed forces captured Tiberias on April 19, 1948; thereafter, the entire Arab population of a total of 6,000 people was evacuated under the supervision of the British military. Following this, the Jewish city council issued the following statement: "We did not dispossess them; the decision to leave was theirs alone ... their property must not be touched."13

About 25,000 Arabs left the Haifa area in early April. The reason for this was an offensive by irregular troops led by Fawzi al-Qawukji and rumors that the Arab air force would shortly bomb the Jewish areas around Mount Carmel.14 On April 23, the Haganah captured Haifa. A British police report from Haifa on April 26 said that "Jews are doing everything possible to persuade the Arab population to stay, to resume normal life and to reopen their shops and businesses. They are assured that their lives will be lost." and their interests are not affected. "15 David Ben-Gurion had specially sent Golda Meir to Haifa to persuade the Arabs to stay. However, she was unsuccessful in her mission because they were too afraid to be branded as traitors to the Arab cause.16 When the fight was over, over 50,000 Palestinians had left Haifa.

"Tens of thousands of Arabs, women and children fled towards the eastern outskirts of the city by cars, trucks and on foot in a desperate attempt to reach Arab territory before the Jews captured the Rushmiya Bridge to Samaria and northern Palestine and cut it off. Thousands stormed every available ship lying on the shore - even rowing boats - to flee across the sea to Akko. "
New York Times, April 23, 1948

In Tiberias and Haifa, the Haganah ordered that Arab property should not be touched and threatened severe penalties for violating this order. Despite these measures, the Arabs left Haifa except for a remainder of 5,000 or 6,000 - many with British military transports.
The UN delegate from Syria, Faris el-Khouri, specially interrupted the UN debate on Palestine. He described the conquest of Haifa as a "massacre" and assessed it as "further evidence that the› Zionist program ‹pursues the goal of exterminating the Arabs in the Jewish state - if the partition is actually implemented".17
The following day, however, Sir Alexander Cadogan, the British UN delegate, informed the delegates that the fighting in Haifa had been provoked by the continued attacks by Arabs on Jews and that the horror reports of massacres and deportations were not true.18
On the same day (April 23, 1948), Jamal Husseini, chairman of the Palestinian Supreme Committee, told the Security Council that the Arabs had rejected the Haganah's ceasefire offer and "preferred to give up their homes and all their belongings and the." To leave town ".19
The American Consul General in Haifa, Aubrey Lippincott, wrote on April 22, 1948 that Arab leaders who were subservient to the Mufti asked the Arab population to leave the city and that a large proportion of the people obeyed.20
An army order of July 6, 1948 contained clear instructions that Arab towns and villages should not be destroyed or burned down and that the Arab inhabitants should not be driven from their homes.21

It is true, however, that the Haganah used means of psychological warfare to induce the Arabs to leave some villages. Yigal Allon, the commander of the Palmach (the "shock troops" of the Haganah), said he had Jews speak to the Arabs in neighboring villages and told them that a large Jewish force was in Galilee with the intention of invading all the Arab villages burn down in the area of ​​Lake Hule. The Arabs were advised to leave their villages while there was still time, and Allon said they were responding as expected.22
In the most dramatic case that occurred in the Ramleh-Lod area, in an attempt to protect their flanks and ease the pressure on besieged Jerusalem, Israeli forces forced part of the Arab population to withdraw to an area a few kilometers away. which was occupied by the Arab Legion. "The two cities had served as bases for irregular Arab units who repeatedly attacked Jewish convoys and nearby settlements and who had succeeded in closing the main road to Jerusalem for Jewish supplies."23
From the reports on what happened in the cities with the largest Arab population, it was clear that this case was the exception and only affected a fraction of the Palestinian refugees.

"The Arab invasion had little effect on the Palestinian Arabs."

When the invasion began in May 1948, most of the Arabs who had initially held out in Palestine fled to neighboring Arab countries. Surprisingly, the Palestinians did not decide to fight the Jews in their own country as a strategically valuable "fifth column", but preferred to go to the security of other Arab states - trusting that they would return later. Musa Alami, a leading Palestinian nationalist of the time, described the feelings of the refugees:

"The Arab inhabitants of Palestine left their homes, lost everything and were scattered all over Arabia. But they had one firm hope: the Arab armies were about to invade Palestine to save the country and bring things back into normal waters to punish the attackers and throw the tyrannical Zionism with its dreams of power and its threat to the Arab world into the sea.On May 14, 1948, Arab crowds lined the roads to the borders of Palestine and cheered the advancing soldiers. Days and weeks passed - enough time to make their holy Mission accomplished - but the Arab forces did not save the country. They did nothing but allow Akko, Sarafand, Lydda, Ramleh, Nazareth, most of the south and the rest of the north to be taken away from them. Hope died then. "
(Middle East Journal, October 1949).

As the fighting widened and reached areas that had previously been quiet, the Arabs faced the possibility of defeat. And when this possibility became a reality, the number of refugees increased - after May 15, over 300,000 people left the country. About 160,000 Arabs remained in the State of Israel.24
Although most Arabs had left the country by November 1948, there were still some who decided to leave even after the fighting had ceased. An example of this was the withdrawal of 3,000 Arabs from Faluja, a village between Tel Aviv and Beersheba:
"Observers believe that it would have been better for the Arab population to stay if they had been properly advised after the Israeli-Egyptian armistice. They argue that the Israeli government at least gives them the security of life and limb and theirs But Egypt, Transjordan and the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine did not show any signs of advising the Arabs in Faluja in any way whatsoever. " (New York Times, March 4, 1949)

"The rulers and governments of the Arab states have never asked the Palestinians to flee."

There is abundant evidence that the Arabs did indeed ask the Palestinians to leave their homes and give way to the Arab armies advancing into the country.
The Economist, extremely critical of Zionism, reported on October 2, 1948:
“Of the 62,000 Arabs who once lived in Haifa, at most 5,000 or 6,000 remained. The decision of the rest to escape to safety has several reasons. The main reason was undoubtedly the radio calls from the Arab Supreme Authority to call in whom the Arabs were asked to flee ... It was clear to everyone that those Arabs who stayed in Haifa and thus placed themselves under Jewish protection would be regarded as traitors. "
The Times article on the Battle of Haifa (May 3, 1948) sounds similar:

"The mass exodus, mostly triggered by fear, but also partly initiated by the orders of the Arab commanders, turned the Arab quarter of Haifa into a ghost town ... by the withdrawal of the Arab workers, it was hoped to paralyze Haifa."
Benny Morris, a historian who documented cases of expulsions of Palestinians, also noted that the Arab leaders urged their brothers to flee. The Arab National Committee in Jerusalem, for example, followed the instructions of the Supreme Arab Committee of March 8, 1948, and asked women, children and the elderly in the various parts of Jerusalem to leave their homes:
"Any violation of this order ... is an obstacle to holy war ... and will hinder the operations of those fighting in the area."
(Middle Eastern Studies, January 1986)

Morris also wrote that Arab Legion units reportedly ordered the evacuation of all women and children from Beisan city in early May. The Arab Liberation Army is also said to have ordered the evacuation of a village south of Haifa. The departure of women and children, according to Morris, "undermined the morale of the men who stayed behind to protect the homes and fields and ultimately contributed to the final evacuation of the villages. These two-step evictions - women and children first , then a few weeks later the men - could be seen in Qumiya in the Jezreel Valley, with the Avarna Bedouins in Haifa Bay and in several other places. "

Who gave these orders? Politicians like Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri Said, who said full-bodied:
"We will level the country to the ground and wipe every single place where Jews seek refuge from the map. The Arabs should take their wives and children to safe places until the fighting is over."25

The Secretary of the Arab League in London, Edward Atiyah, wrote in his book The Arabs:

This sweeping exodus was due in part to the Arabs' belief that it would only be a matter of weeks before the united armies of the Arab states defeated the Jews and the Palestinian Arabs could return and reclaim their land - a belief nourished by the boasting of an unworldly Arab press and the irresponsible remarks of certain Arab leaders. "26
Haled al Azm, the Syrian Prime Minister from 1948-1949, confirmed in his memoir that the Arabs had urged the refugees to leave the country:
"We have been calling for the refugees to return since 1948, and we had made them flee ourselves. There was only one time between our appeal to the Palestinians to leave the country and our appeal to the United Nations to pass a resolution on their return a few months. "27
"The refugees trusted that their absence would not be long, but that they could return in a week or two," said Monsignor George Hakim, a Greek Orthodox Bishop of Galilee, on August 16, 1948 Beirut newspaper Sada al-Janub. "Their leaders had assured them that the Arab armies would crush the 'Zionist gang' and that there was no need to panic or a long exile to fear."
On April 3, 1949, the Middle East radio station (Cyprus) said: "One must not forget that the Supreme Arab Committee itself urged the refugees from Jaffa, Haifa and Jerusalem to leave their homes."28

"The Arab states asked the Palestinian Arabs to leave their homes temporarily to make way for the Arab invading armies,"
was to be read on February 19, 1949 in the Jordanian magazine Filastin.
Another Jordanian newspaper, Ad Difaa, reported on Jan.September 1954 a Palestinian refugee quoted:
"The Arab government said to us, 'Go out so we can come in.' So we went out, but they didn't come in."
"Azzam Pasha, the general secretary of the Arab League, assured the Arab peoples that the occupation of Palestine and Tel Aviv would be a walk in the park," Habib Issa said on June 8, 1951 in the Lebanese newspaper Al Hoda in New York. "He declared that the Arab armies were already at the borders and that the many millions the Jews had spent on the country and its economic development would be easy prey because it would be very easy to get the Jews into the Mediterranean throw ... The Arab inhabitants of Palestine were given fraternal advice to leave their lands and homes and move temporarily to neighboring fraternal states so that they would not be mowed down by the rifles of the invading Arab armies. "
Arab fear was fueled by fabricated stories of Jewish atrocities during the attack on Deir Yassin. The local population had no guides to reassure them; Its spokesmen, such as the Arab Supreme Committee, operated from the security of neighboring states and tended to only reinforce their fears. The commanders on site were of no help either. For example, the commander of the Arab troops in Safed simply went to Damascus. The following day his troops withdrew from the city. When the residents realized they had been left defenseless, they fled in a panic.29
In the words of Dr. Walid al-Qamhawi, a former member of the PLO's Executive Committee, "it was collective fear, waning fighting spirit and general chaos that drove the Arabs from Tiberias, Haifa and dozens of other cities and villages to flee."30
When panic spread in Palestine, the initially sparse flow of refugees turned into a flood; and by the time the Provisional Jewish Government proclaimed the independence of the State of Israel, the number of refugees had already risen to over 200,000.

Even Jordan's King Abdullah, in his memoirs, blamed the Palestinian leaders for the refugee problem:
"The tragedy of the Palestinians was that most of their leaders paralyzed them with false, unfounded promises to come to their rescue; that 80 million Arabs and 400 million Muslims would instantly and miraculously rush to their rescue."31

"The Arab armies invaded Palestine to protect the Palestinians from the Zionist tyranny, but then abandoned them, forced them to leave their homes and sent them to prison camps resembling the ghettos they once were in the Jews lived. "
PLO spokesman Mahmud Abbas ("Abu Mazen") 32

"The Palestinian Arabs had to flee; otherwise they would have been killed like the peaceful inhabitants of the village of Deir Yassin."

According to the resolution of the United Nations, Jerusalem should not belong to either the Arab or the Jewish state, but should receive international status. The 150,000 Jewish residents of Jerusalem were under constant military pressure; The 2500 Jews living in the old town were victims of a five-month Arab blockade before they finally had to surrender on May 29, 1948. Before the surrender and during the siege of Jerusalem, Jewish convoys made repeated attempts to penetrate the city to alleviate the food shortage, which had reached a critical stage in April.

In the meantime, the Arab armed forces, which had been carrying out sporadic, unorganized raids since December 1947, began an organized attempt to seal off the road from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem - the city's only supply route. The Arabs held several strategic points from which they could control the road and bombard the convoys trying to supply the besieged city with food. The village of Deir Yassin was about one and a half kilometers from the suburbs of Jerusalem on a hill nearly a thousand meters high, which afforded a good panoramic view. The place had 750 inhabitants.33
Operation "Nachshon", which was supposed to clear the way to Jerusalem, began on April 6th. The village of Deir Yassin was on the list of Arab villages to be occupied as part of the operation. The following day, David Shaltiel, the commander in chief of the Haganah, wrote to the commanders of the Lechi and Irgun:
"I've learned that you want to attack Deir Yassin. Don't forget that the conquest and occupation of Deir Yassin is only one stage in our overall plan. I don't mind your doing the operation, provided you are able to If you cannot do that, I hereby warn you against destroying the village, because that would mean that the inhabitants flee and the ruins and abandoned houses fall into the hands of the enemy ... In this one If so, our goal of creating a landing field for aircraft in the area would be jeopardized. "34

The Irgun decided to attack Deir Yassin on April 9th, while the Haganah was still involved in the Battle of Kastel. It was the first major Irgun attack on the Arabs. Until then, Irgun and Lechi had concentrated their attacks on the British.
According to Irgun commander Menachem Begin, the attack was carried out by 100 members of the organization; According to other statements, 132 members of both organizations were involved. Begin explained that prior to the attack, a small open truck equipped with a loudspeaker was driving to the entrance to the village and civilians were told to evacuate the area, which many did.35 Most books, however, state that this warning never came because the truck with the loudspeaker rolled into a ditch before the warning could be issued.36 However, one of the fighters testified that the trench had been filled in so that the truck could continue. "One of us asked the residents in Arabic over loudspeakers to lay down their weapons and flee. I don't know if they heard the call, but I know it was ineffective."37

In contrast to the revisionist stories that there were only peaceful, unarmed civilians in the village, the residents and foreign troops opened fire on the attackers. One of the fighters described the event from his point of view:
"My unit stormed forward and passed the first row of houses. I was one of the first to enter the village. We were just a small group and we encouraged each other to go further. At the end of the street I saw a man in kaki uniform. He ran. Me thought he was one of us. I ran after him and yelled at him: 'Run up to that house.' Suddenly he turned around, took aim and fired. It was an Iraqi soldier. I was hit in the foot. "38
A fierce battle ensued that raged for several hours. The Irgun recorded 41 casualties, including four dead.
It doesn't really fit with the alleged massacre that the Irgun then escorted a representative of the Red Cross through the city and held a press conference. The report that then appeared in the New York Times essentially corresponded to Begin's presentation. According to the Times, over 200 Arabs were killed, 40 captured and 70 women and children released. There was no mention of a "massacre" at any point.
"Paradoxically, the Jews spoke of 250 to 400 dead, while the surviving Arabs only spoke of 110 of the total of 1,000 people who had been in the village."39 A study by Bir Zeit University, based on discussions with families living in the village, came to the conclusion that 107 Arab civilians were killed and twelve wounded, plus 13 "fighters" - evidence that the number of dead was smaller than was claimed and that there were obviously combat units in the village.40 According to later statements by other Arab sources, the number of victims was even lower.41
The attackers left an escape corridor from the village open and over 200 residents escaped unscathed. At 9:30 a.m., five hours after the fighting began, the Lechi evacuated 40 old men, women and children on trucks and drove them to a base in Sheikh Bader. They were later taken to East Jerusalem. The fact that Arabs were in the hands of Jews strengthened the morale of the Jerusalemites, who until then had been utterly desperate over the military defeats.42 According to another source, 70 women and children were evacuated and handed over to the British.43 If the goal of the operation had indeed been massacre of the population, no one would have been evacuated for sure.

After the Arabs remaining in the village initially pretended to surrender and then opened fire on the Jewish troops, some Jewish soldiers shot indiscriminately at Arab soldiers and civilians. None of the sources provide precise information on the number of women and children killed (according to the Times article, they accounted for about half of the victims; however, the underlying figure for the number of victims comes from the Irgun), but it is certain that women and children were among the dead.

At least some of the women killed had died because many men had dressed up as women. The Irgun commander reported that the attackers "met men disguised as women and therefore began shooting women who did not take the quickest route to the place where the prisoners were collected".44 A member of the Haganah overheard a group of Arabs from Deir Yassin talking and learned: "The Jews had found out that Arab fighters had disguised themselves as women. They then searched the women as well. During one such search, a prisoner suddenly drew a pistol and shot dead the Jewish captain. Thereupon his friends fired blindly and killed several Arabs. "45
Contrary to the assertions of the Arab propaganda that were made at the time and have been repeated since then, it has never been possible to produce any evidence that there was even a single rape. On the contrary, all of the villagers who were questioned denied that they had made any statements. Like many others, it was nothing but a propaganda ploy - which in this case, however, took revenge. Hazam Nusseibeh, who worked for the Palestinian Broadcasting Company in 1948, admitted that Hussein Khalidi, a Palestinian leader, had commissioned him to spread fabricated atrocities like this. One of the villagers, Abu Mahmud, told Khalidi that "there had been no rape," but Khalidi said, "We have to say something like this so that the Arab armies can come and liberate Palestine from the Jews." Nusseibeh said 50 years later in the BBC: "That was our biggest mistake. We did not expect the reaction of our own people. When they heard that women had been raped in Deir Yassin, the Palestinians fled in a panic."46

Upon learning of the attack, the Jewish Agency immediately expressed "horror and disgust".At the same time, a letter was sent to King Abdullah of Transjordan, in which the deep concern about the attack was also expressed and the Jewish Agency expressly distanced itself from him.
The Arab Supreme Committee hoped that exaggerated reports of a "massacre" in Deir Yassin would shock the people of other Arab countries to the point of putting pressure on their governments and forcing intervention in Palestine. Instead, there was a new Palestinian exodus.
Exactly four days after the Deir Yassin reports were published, an Arab unit ambushed a Jewish convoy on its way to Hadassah Hospital in Jerusalem. 77 Jews were killed in the attack, including doctors, nurses, patients and the director of the hospital. Another 23 people were injured. However, this massacre hardly attracted any attention and is hushed up by those who are always at hand with the Deir Yassin case so quickly. It must be pointed out that despite such attacks on the Jewish population of Palestine, who killed over 500 people in the first four months after the partition resolution, not a single Jew fled the country.

The Palestinians, despite their vocal assurances to the contrary, knew full well that the Jews were by no means out to exterminate them; otherwise they would hardly have been allowed to leave Tiberias, Haifa, or any of the other cities conquered by the Jewish forces. They also had the opportunity to seek refuge in neighboring countries. The Jews, on the other hand, had no place to flee to - provided they wanted to flee. They were ready to die for their country - a fate that was indeed destined for many of them, since the Arabs, for their part, were very keen to exterminate the Jews, like Azzam Pasha, the general secretary of the Arab League, briefly before the outbreak of the war in an interview with the BBC (on May 15, 1948) made it very unmistakably clear: "The Arabs want a war of extermination. There will be a gigantic massacre that will later take place in the same breath as the massacres of the Mongols and the Crusaders will be called. "
Deir Yassin therefore remained the main topic of anti-Israeli propaganda for decades, precisely because it was an isolated case.

"Israel did not allow the Palestinians to return to their homes so that the Jews could appropriate their property."

Israel, quite simply, has not been able to let all the Palestinians return, but it has relentlessly sought a solution to the refugee problem. David Ben-Gurion formulated the Israeli position on August 1, 1948:
"If the Arab states are ready to conclude a peace treaty with Israel, a constructive solution will also have to be found for this question within the framework of the general settlement."47

The Israeli government was not indifferent to the plight of the refugees; on the contrary, it created its own institution to act as custodians of abandoned property, "preventing the illegal occupation of empty houses, offices and shops, managing abandoned property, tilling abandoned fields and saving the crops".48

The risks associated with repatriation of the refugees did not prevent Israel from allowing a certain number of refugees to return and, in fulfillment of the pre-requisites for a peace treaty, also to agree to readmit a significant number of them. In 1949, Israel offered to reunite families separated in the war and to unblock the refugees' accounts with Israeli banks that had been frozen during the war (which was also done in 1953). Compensation for abandoned land should be made and 100,000 refugees repatriated.49
But the Arabs rejected all Israeli compromise proposals. They were not prepared to take any step that could in any way be interpreted as recognition of the State of Israel. They made repatriation a prerequisite for negotiations, but Israel refused to do so. The result was the internment of the refugees in camps.

Despite the attitude of the Arab states, Israel released the frozen accounts of the Arab refugees; the amount paid out was over ten million dollars. By 1975, the Israeli government had also paid approximately 11,000 applicants over 23 million Israeli pounds and allocated over 20,000 acres of land to replace lost property. The payments were based on the land price from 1948 to 1953, plus six percent per year after the application was submitted.

"The UN resolutions demand that Israel repatriate the Palestinian refugees."


When the United Nations dealt with the refugee problem, it passed Resolution 194 on December 11, 1948. It called on the Arab states and Israel to resolve outstanding issues either in the context of direct negotiations or through the mediation of the Conciliation Commission for Palestine, which took place at the same time Resolution was used to settle. In addition, point 11 stated:
"The refugees' desire to return to their homes and live in peace with their neighbors should be fulfilled as soon as possible. In addition, all those who do not want to return and those who have lost their property or damaged their property should be fulfilled This should be done in accordance with international law or in accordance with fairness considerations; the responsible governments or authorities are responsible for this. The Arbitration Commission is instructed to approve the repatriation, resettlement and economic and social rehabilitation of the refugees and the compensation payments to drive ... "
(The emphasis came from the author)

The wording highlighted shows that the United Nations was well aware that Israel could not be asked to repatriate a population group hostile to the state without restrictions, because this would have endangered the security of the entire state. The solution to the problem, like the solution to all previous refugee problems, therefore necessitated at least a partial resettlement of the Palestinians in Arab countries.
The resolution took into account Israeli concerns because, in the event of an unconditional return, the refugees would indeed have to be considered a possible fifth column. For the Israelis, the refugee problem was a negotiating point in a multi-point peaceful solution to the Middle East conflict. President Chaim Weizmann said: "We are committed to supporting reintegration, provided that a real peace is negotiated and the Arab states do their part. Solving the Arab problem can only be solved through a comprehensive development plan for the Middle East, too." to which the United Nations, the Arab states and Israel will make their contribution. "50

At the time, Israel did not expect the refugee issue to become a major problem, but assumed that the Arab states would accept the majority of the refugees and that a compromise could be negotiated for the rest in the context of an overall peace plan. The Arabs were just as unwilling to compromise in 1949 as they were in 1947: they unanimously rejected the UN resolution.
At the United Nations, discussions about the Palestinian refugees had already started in the summer of 1948, before Israel's military victory. At that time, the Arabs even expected that they would win the war and escort the refugees home in triumphal procession - against this background the statement of Emile Ghoury, the secretary of the Supreme Arab Committee, should be understood:
"It is unthinkable to send the refugees back to their houses while they are still occupied by the Jews, because then they would be taken hostage and mistreated. Anyone who suggests something like this on the Arab side evades their actual responsibility. In addition, compliance would be this proposal is a first step towards the recognition of the State of Israel and the adoption of the partition resolution. "51
The Arabs demanded that the United Nations recognize the Palestinians' "right" to return to their homeland, and were only willing to talk when their defeat was an inevitable fact. Now, however, they interpreted resolution 194 as meaning that the refugees were granted the right to repatriation without restriction and have since repeatedly demanded that Israel adopt this reading.

"The Palestinian demand for the 'right of return' is extremely unrealistic. The refugee problem should have been solved through financial compensation and the resettlement of the refugees in Arab countries."
Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak 52

"Israel blocked the negotiations initiated by the Arbitration Commission for Palestine."


At the beginning of 1949 the Arbitration Commission for Palestine started negotiations in Lausanne. The Arabs stuck to their demand that Israel return the territories it had conquered in the fighting of 1948 and agree to the repatriation of the refugees. The Israelis, on the other hand, informed the commission that the solution to the refugee problem would depend on a peace agreement.

In the course of the negotiations, Israel made an offer to readmit 100,000 refugees as part of a general settlement of the problem. Israel hoped that the Arab states would engage in a similar way. However, the offer was rejected.
On April 1, 1950, the Arab League passed a resolution prohibiting its member states from negotiating with Israel.
In 1951 the arbitration commission tried again to bring the parties to one table. After that too failed, she stopped her efforts. The reason stated:

"The Arab governments ... are not ready to accept paragraph 5 of the said resolution, which calls for the final clarification of all outstanding issues between the Arab states and Israel. The Arab governments have shown no willingness at their meetings with the Commission the Israeli government to come to such a peaceful solution. "53


"The Palestinians who wanted to return to their homes did not pose a threat to Israel's security."

When plans for the founding of the state were made in early 1948, those responsible in Palestine assumed that the new nation would have a significant Arab population. From the Israeli point of view, the refugees would have had the opportunity to stay in their homeland and thus become citizens of the new state. An estimated 160,000 Arabs had decided to take this step. A repatriation of those who had left the country, on the other hand, would have been "suicidal stupidity" in the words of Foreign Secretary Moshe Sharrett.54

The Arab world also saw the refugees as a possible fifth column that could operate in the new state of Israel. A Lebanese newspaper said:
"The return of the refugees would have to create a large Arab majority in the Jewish state, which could serve as an effective instrument for reviving the Arab character of Palestine and would form a strong fifth column on the day of vengeance and reckoning."55