Modern values ​​ruin traditional marriages

The German Empire

Wolfgang Kruse

Apl. Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Kruse, born in 1957, is an academic senior counselor and adjunct professor in the field of Modern German and European History at the Historical Institute of the Distance University in Hagen. His main research interests include the history of the First World War, the history of the French Revolution, the history of the German and international labor movement and the history of the political cult of the dead. Von Kruse has published: Wolfgang Kruse: The First World War, Darmstadt 2009 (history compact of the WBG).

In the German Empire, Germany experienced the breakthrough to a modern industrial society. It went hand in hand with massive social changes. Housing, education, work, culture: the bourgeoisie and workers in particular lived in socially sharply separated spheres of life; there was hardly any contact and mobility between these groups.

Different living environments: Here the 70th birthday of textile manufacturer Valentin Manheimer on July 13, 1885 (painting by Anton von Werner) ... (& copy picture-alliance / akg)
During the German Empire, Germany experienced the breakthrough into a modern industrial society. Industry and commerce, trade and transport pushed agriculture more and more into the background and became the main driving force behind economic growth and social change.
... and here a scene from a pawn shop ("In the pawn shop" - painting by Christian Ludwig, 1876) (& copy picture-alliance / akg)
At the same time, industrial capitalism produced a class society, that of market-dependent working classes
Migration movements: residents, emigrants, immigrants and migration balance in abs. Numbers, 1907
marked contrasts in particular between the wealthy bourgeoisie on the one hand and the wage-dependent proletariat on the other. In the course of high industrialization, economy, capital and labor developed highly organized organizational structures, which made the individual social ideal of classical liberalism appear increasingly out of date. At the same time, the focus of economic and social life shifted more and more from the countryside to the expanding cities, accompanied by a dynamic modernization of infrastructures and everyday living conditions.

The industrialization

The population of Berlin after being born in 1907
After the start of the industrial revolution between 1850 and 1870, the empire entered the phase of high industrialization. The centers of industrial production in central and south-west Germany, around Berlin and especially in the Ruhr area, grew larger and more economically dominant. Not only did the surpluses of a rapidly growing population find employment here, which rose from 41 to 65 million between 1871 and 1910. Rather, industrialization also brought about enormous mobility, because many people moved from the country to the expanding industrial centers in search of work - if they did not immediately emigrate overseas. Their number of employees caught up with agriculture in the mid-1890s and began to outstrip it in the early 20th century.

Migration balance in Berlin and Brandenburg 1861-1910
Above all, however, industrial added value soon exceeded that of the primary economic sector more and more. Even if contemporaries were still engaged in discussions about whether Germany should change from an agricultural to an industrialized country, the economic decision had long since been made at the end of the 19th century. Textile, iron and steel production as the leading sectors of industrial development were now followed by the chemical and electrical industries, with which Germany finally went from being a latecomer to a pioneer in industrialization in Europe. Agriculture, on the other hand, which itself went through a process of industrialization with the forced use of modern machines and fertilizers, suffered from a structural agricultural crisis.

Population and urban development in Prussia / Germany 1816-1910
yearTotal number of inhabitants absolute (in 1000)of which urban populationof whom lived in communities with ...- thousand inhabitants (in%)
under 22 to 55 to 2020 to 100over 100
German Empire18714101036,163,912,41,27,74,8
based on: Jürgen Reulecke, History of Urbanization in Germany, Frankfurt / M. (Suhrkamp) 1985, p. 202.

Source text

The economist Gustav Schmoller on the development of the large enterprise and the formation of social classes (1892)

(...) Today, the large enterprises are more or less independent institutions for production, trade, traffic, which are completely detached from the household of the employees, also more and more from the life fate of those involved, their peculiar constitution, their own, permanent, through Have continued life through generations.

The intimate, purely private character of the old small businesses has disappeared because the economic existence of whole groups of different families depends on the large businesses. There are the leading personalities, then the shareholders, silent partners, other interested parties and creditors, and finally the foremen and workers; but not only do they know the company and have an interest in it; No, there are hundreds and thousands of customers who follow the business from near and far, then numerous dealers, suppliers, competitors, finally the neighbors, the whole city, the district, the province, who are interested in the ups and downs The decline of the big business. The location, the structural facilities, the good or bad traffic conditions of every large enterprise are just as much a community and district matter as its repercussions on the school system, taxation, population increase or decrease, prosperity and impoverishment of the whole area, type of settlement and real estate distribution touches the furthest circles. It is true, then, that large-scale enterprises are transforming the national economy more and more into a social process, with private and general interests becoming more and more complicatedly linked and intertwined. The individual large enterprise, whatever legal constitution it may have in detail, becomes something in the middle between a private and a public budget; even where the private entrepreneur remains at the top, he can no longer have the same position as in a family business; general interests, elements of public organization, slide into large-scale operations. (...)

The practical implementation of the truth, however, that all large-scale operations take on a kind of public character, is an extremely difficult one, because the business with 10-17,000 workers, such as the Mansfeld copper works or the Krupp steel works, and our big mines as well 1000 and more workers have clearly achieved this type, because, however, the vast majority of large businesses with 10 and 20, even with 50 and 100 workers, still bear much of the older type of family business. There is also the fact that all these things are in flux, that there is an undoubted tendency towards increasing large-scale business, but that on the other hand the idea that all of our business life in all its parts would soon succumb to large-scale operations is entirely wrong . It seems to me as if in some respects we would soon have reached the limit of this tendency, as if the point would soon be reached in many places at which the clumsiness and the costs of large-scale operations of cheaper and technical improvement would be balanced . In any case, for the sober observer there can be no doubt that the greater part of the handicrafts, the arts and lodging, the small trade will not, or only partially, abandon the old form of medium-sized and smaller businesses. (...)

From: German history in sources and representations 8, p. 99f.



Economic crises and phases of development

The added value according to economic sectors
However, the industrial dynamic was by no means a continuous, even harmonious, upward trend. Rather, it was itself accompanied by serious crises and conflicts. The so-called founder crisis followed the economic boom of the time of the establishment of the empire in 1873. This was a severe global economic crisis that was particularly deeply experienced in Germany, which lasted until the end of the 1870s and which were followed by further severe economic downturns in the 80s and 90s. When many historians speak of a Great Depression between 1873 and 1895, this is by no means to be understood as a general decline in production. Rather, the growth rates slowed down temporarily due to rapidly successive, crisis-ridden economic downturns in an economy that continues to grow overall. In the mid-1890s, a sustained upswing set in again, which was only interrupted by a brief decline in production between 1906 and 1908.

The membership development of the trade union umbrella organizations: Free, Christian and Hirsch-Duncker trade unions 1868-1919
This phase of high industrialization also brought about another radical structural change. In view of the necessary investments in the development of modern large companies, finance capital gained increasing importance. The traditional family businesses have increasingly been replaced by public limited companies and run more by managers than by owners. Factories and businesses grew rapidly, at the same time corporations emerged which, with the formation of syndicates and cartels, initiated far-reaching processes of concentration and were able to develop monopoly-like positions. This development towards "organized capitalism" (Rudolf Hilferding) was accompanied by an increasingly pronounced state intervention policy, which found its clearest expression in the protective tariff policy. The centralization processes of industrial capitalism also shaped the development of the trade unions as a representation of the workers, which after the expiry of the socialist laws in 1890 not only united in the general commission of the free trade unions. The individual trade unions also developed from professional associations, which were often locally organized in the beginning, through branch unions to comprehensive, nationally operating industrial associations. These industrial associations organized all workers from large industrial sectors such as the metal industry or the textile industry.

Source text

The social liberal Friedrich Naumann in 1906 on "Organization" as a sign of the times

All relationships are permeated by the idea of ​​organization, that is, the regulation of the crowd. It becomes a pride of the people to be in large companies, to be drawn into broad connections.

Often this pride is mixed with a painful review of times when the individual was something for himself. But what does it do? Even the farmer begins to organize. Everyone feels that they must do their business together, that isolation is the economic death penalty. This change in our present is one of the most interesting experiences. It comes unexpectedly to all of us, because the watchword of the spiritual movement that preceded the present was the independence of the individual. (…) The old associations and guilds were broken up in order to set the individual free, and the state was required to do nothing other than protect property and let the individual move. This news of the victory of individualism was heard and passed on with a great deal of genuine idealism. And yet today everything is full of motives of a different kind. All parts of the people approach the state with demands. The demands of the socialists and land reformers, which amount to public regulation of production, housing and mortgage systems, find willing listeners. The state and the associations become economic factors that are believed to be necessary. This is how the crowd grows ...

In other words, this means that the management of the economy is taken out of the hands of the producers and is transferred partly to the associations and partly to the state. The number of economically managerial people is getting smaller and smaller. Often the line is only a sham. Despite formal freedom, a small businessman has to do exactly what his point of sale demands of him. He pays the rent that is customary in his street, carries the goods that are standardized by the manufacturers' associations or by his sales association, and in the degree of his independence is slowly approaching the situation of the employees of the consumer associations. The animal breeder has to deliver marketable goods and finds their price in the newspaper. A spirit of attachment to a dark whole that surrounds us all spreads. Not that particular talents cannot escape commitment, but the conditions of existence are fixed for the average person. He can try to improve it as a member of his group, but not as a personal self. That is why he pays contributions for his group representation.

From: Deutsche Sozialgeschichte 1870-1914, p. 32f



Source text

Report of the Association for Social Policy on the activities of a Berlin tram driver in 1902

One must take into account that an electric car has a much greater speed than another vehicle; the electric trams run more than 30 km an hour in the outskirts.

With the busy car and pedestrian traffic in the main streets of Berlin, which time-resp. If it is so tight in places that it cannot be increased at all, it requires nervous attention and tension to watch out for all obstacles, especially since the carriage cannot evade because of its connection to the rails. The guide is in constant danger of colliding with other vehicles or even running over people. On the other hand, he mustn't be afraid either, because otherwise he wouldn't move at all in the crowd of cars. It is understandable to everyone that such a strenuous service ruins one's nerves. Also the driver has the mentioned on the occasion of the cab service, in § 316 of the penal code resp. To face the penalties specified in the law of December 27th. It is requested by the employees that signal guards are set up at dangerous points.

The guide is completely exposed to wind and weather. Even in the pouring thunderstorm, he is not allowed to leave his post. In spite of the fact that he is often soaked to the skin, he has to do his job until late at night, shivering from the cold. (...) All these moments lead us to the conviction that the service of the motor vehicle driver is one of the most stressful activities mentally, mentally and physically. You work with eyes, ears and both hands. They stand with one foot on the signal bell and the other in prison or half in the grave. We would like to emphasize once again that it is precisely the enormous mass traffic in the Reich capital that makes driving much more difficult than in any other city.

From: Deutsche Sozialgeschichte 1870-1914, p. 54



The industrial class society

Living room and bedroom at Manteuffelstrasse 64 in Berlin, taken on June 27, 1910: While the mother is making crackers, the two children have to help. Room dimensions: 4.00 m long, 2.75 m wide, 2.60 m high. (& copy picture-alliance, ZB)
Industrialization led to the development of a modern class society with employment classes that were clearly differentiated not only from an economic point of view. Above all, the bourgeoisie and workers lived in socially sharply separated spheres of life with extremely different living conditions, educational institutions and cultural forms of life, between which there was little contact and mobility during the empire. Instead, as industrialization progressed, the class conflict between capital and labor moved more and more into the center of social and political life. A growing class consciousness developed in the workforce, which was not least due to the experience that membership of this class was 'inherited' over generations. The "born proletariat" (Hartmut Zwahr) recognized its common social and political interests more and more clearly, organized itself in trade unions, its own consumer and educational associations and in the social democratic party. Unions were formed with different ideological orientations. But the extent to which class struggle, strike-oriented orientations were widespread among the workers is shown by the different membership development: While the social democratic free trade unions organized 2.5 million members on the eve of the First World War, the peacefully oriented Christian and liberal trade union organizations did not even come together half a million.

Strikes, lockouts and "non-fighting movements" 1890-1913
The trade unions faced entrepreneurs and their associations, whom they did not want to accept as equal opponents for a long time. In particular in the heavy industrial large-scale enterprises, a master-in-house position prevailed, rejecting all trade union activity and actively trying to prevent it. Companies like Krupp organized their own "yellow" company unions, which were committed to the company's interests. And they persecuted workers oriented towards social democracy with black lists, on which all those who were supposed to find no more employment were listed. Despite a large number of labor disputes with strikes and lockouts, some of which were similar to civil wars
Employed persons by economic sector and job status (in percent)
The conclusion of binding collective agreements sought by the unions made only slow progress: on the eve of the First World War, only 1.4 million employment relationships were regulated by collective agreements, mostly in small and medium-sized companies.

The average annual earnings of workers in industry, trade and transport
However, despite this class division, neither the bourgeoisie nor the working class should be imagined as homogeneous social formations that dominate the whole of society. In the workforce, there was a pronounced hierarchy between relatively well-paid skilled workers on the one hand, and semi-skilled or unskilled workers who were much worse off on the other. The domestic servants and farm workers, who mostly did not feel that they belonged to the proletariat, also played a special role. The core groups of the bourgeoisie were also by no means uniform in themselves. This was mainly about academically educated citizens in the upper civil service and in the liberal professions and the more and more prominent economic citizens who managed the new large companies. They also made up only a few percent of the population, and they had to share their claim to social leadership with a nobility who still had privileged access to the levers of state power. The bourgeoisie also included the self-employed medium-sized tradespeople, who, however, could not keep pace with the upper bourgeoisie in terms of prestige, influence and income. In addition, there were many intermediate groups with a higher but not university education and soon also the so-called new middle class, the rapidly expanding group of white-collar workers.

Source text

Report on a visit to the Wertheim department store in Berlin, 1903

I recently visited Wertheim for the first time. It involved buying various kinds of things, which my wife claimed to be the cheapest and best available at Wertheim (but the "cheapest" was the tone).

That's when I got to know the Louvre in Berlin. First I had to buy a "collector's book" at one of the main cash registers; the tills were crowded, but after a little half an hour I had my book and was ready to go. But I did not move. First of all, I tried to orient myself. I am not entirely without resourcefulness; here, however, any topographical talent left me. The streaming crowd pushed me back and forth; I wanted to go to the perfumes and got to the haberdashery, and suddenly I was standing in front of a lady who showed me handkerchiefs, and half a minute later I was in the middle of the enamel dishes. Now I thought of leaving the perfume to the last and turning to the basketry, where I wanted to buy a triumphal chair as the highest triumph of the Madonna della Sedia. But then I had to go to the third floor. One of the official guides, a gentleman who looked like a legation secretary, told me to use the elevator or the slide. The thought of the slide attracted me; I actually only knew something like this from fairs or the Hasenhaide; Up to now, sliding was not common in Berlin shops. The Wertheim slide is a pavement roulant; if you have a head for heights you can confidently confide in him.

I did that too; but I did not get to the basketry; I don't know where it came from - I suddenly found myself in a painting exhibition. There were all sorts of pretty things to see, just no triumphal chair. Now anger took hold of me; I decided to look for the wicker, whatever the cost. I ventured into the mountains, climbed lofty heights, unexpectedly got caught in a tangle of people that surrounded the photographic equipment, and then saw myself again surrounded by flowing veils, colored ribbons, lace and frills. A gentleman who looked like a privy councilor from the Ministry of Culture wanted to notice my embarrassment and asked what I wanted. "Upstairs," he said with a smile and pointed to the elevator. But I hadn't paid attention: the elevator didn't go up, but down - and when I looked around I was in a splendid hall with lapis lazuli columns and heard a fountain rushing. I was really tired now. I strolled on with heavy steps, came to a palm garden and a buffet, where a cute girl served me a glass of lemonade, then came to a tangle of children's linen, shirts, panties and skirts, then to the phonograph and finally to the longed for Perfumes.

Thank God - that's how far I was! But I noticed that we are all of the family of Tantalus. I felt the scent of the perfume and saw the yellow, green, red, amaranth-colored and saffron-yellow bottles - but I couldn't get near them. Whole circles of people clustered around the sales tables; I calculated that about five quarters of an hour would elapse before it was my turn. It took me too long, and since my wife had also ordered me to have my picture taken on postcards and printed thirty-six times, I meanwhile wanted to go to the house's photographic studio. A gentleman who looked like a Rittmeister in civilian clothes indicated to me: for this purpose I had to buy a "number" at a certain till, and called a lady who was to show me to this till. The young lady was pretty, which I also told her, to which she replied: "Sir, I have no time for something like that" - an expression that initially alienated me, but which also seemed worth thinking about.

From: Deutsche Sozialgeschichte 1870-1914, pp. 198f.



Technization, social change and social modernization

The Prussian population by income level 1896 and 1912
The modern economy took place less and less only in the production area and was increasingly dependent on office activities in administration, communication and service. This development was reflected in the growing number of employees. While there were only 307,000 employees in the German Empire in 1882, their number more than quadrupled in the following 25 years, to 1.3 million. Although dependent, the employees differed significantly from the workers in their social status: They received a fixed monthly salary instead of the workers' performance-related weekly wages, the working hours were shorter, the work organization more independent, the responsibility and also the opportunities for advancement greater. Against this background, it is not surprising that the employees often emphasized their difference to the industrial workforce and oriented themselves socially towards the bourgeoisie, whose lifestyle they tried to imitate. They were also supported by the state, which in 1911 set up its own employee insurance with better conditions than the social insurance for workers. From a social and cultural point of view, the employees became the bearers of a number of modernization processes. They increasingly oriented their family planning towards the nuclear family with two children, they strived for education and social advancement, and at the same time they became an important supporting group for a growing leisure culture.

Around the turn of the century, especially in the cities, new types of conditions emerged, increasingly characterized by the mechanization of all areas of life. On the one hand, they brought with them a variety of environmental problems such as the pollution of water, air and soil, but also a variety of forward-looking innovations. Municipal water, gas and electricity companies provided artificial light and running water not only in public life, but soon also in the private sector, and electric trams accelerated local public transport. Subways were added to the big cities, and the first automobiles began to liven up the streets. The technological metropolitan culture became the basis for diverse visions optimistic about progress, but also for loss experiences in natural life contexts and for novel clinical pictures. The nerves of many people seemed to be no longer able to cope with the increasing speed, the noise and the hectic pace of industrialized society, the nervous disease neurasthenia spread and became the hallmark of an "age of nervousness" (Joachim Radkau).

Source text

H. Klose, On the Change in the Industrial Landscape (1919)

When more than twenty-five years ago the Schalke bailiff pushed back the files at lunchtime and called his offspring to go for a walk, this call did not arouse unmixed joy.

Four hours of work in the classroom create hungry stomachs, and lunch was better for that than going outside, which used to take three-quarters, often an entire hour. But the bailiff was of the opinion that movement in fresh and, if possible, clean air was just as necessary for young people as learning in school, and that is why he led us, his growing children, through the midday sun that was still unpaved, even then black Oststraße down towards the brewing community. That was the name of the neighboring community before it adopted the more distinguished name of Bismarck.

On the right-hand side was the old Schulten to Monekinck farm, which had been converted into an inn, next to which a chapel hall served as a modest gymnasium for the high school of the flourishing industrial town after he had finished his spiritual profession. To the left were the remains of what was once a stately forest, in which Friedrich Grillo, the successful founder, had built his house years ago and which now, as usual, belonged to a garden tavern. Then came industrial plants: part of the large wire rod mill, then the ring furnace and the high winding tower of the Consolidation II colliery with its funny turning conveyor wheels and opposite the quieter ironworks. We continued where the Sophienau colliery began with its monotonous, boring two- and four-family houses, following a siding, along the plank fence of the large pit lumber yard, past a high dump of rubble ... - and then one was in the open. The green meadows and pastures alternated with potato fields and cornfields, from which one could more or less carefully pull out some cornflowers or leaves. In this open area you could hike as long as you wanted, because it stretched almost continuously to the Emscher river and beyond to the great Herten forest. To reach those delightful and almost undisturbed woodlands, of course, the lunchtime was not enough (...)

The daily path of the trampoline club, as malicious classmates called it, did not offer much beautiful nature, in the actual meaning of the word. Even then, long rows of houses narrowed the horizon in the east and west; the heaps, chimneys, and buildings of the coal and iron works contrasted gloomily against the sky, and gray-black plumes of smoke hung in the wind. But you weren't spoiled and after all you had been outside the streets and houses for half an hour, seeing some green and blue skies. On free afternoons and on Sundays, you could hike on (...) to the Emscherschleuse, from whose creek the crows fetched large live river mussels. At that time people still bathed here, although it was life-threatening and strictly forbidden. The bans have now been obsolete for years, because no one voluntarily sticks a finger into the water of this river. The areas on both sides of the bank were almost free of settlements; only a few mines were located on the north side of the Münsterland, separated by forest and field and separated by hours from each other. (…) You could camp in the field and forest with impunity without blackening yourself backwards, and climb the trees without getting pitch-black knees. But if you went to the attractive rural area of ​​the neighboring western community of Hessler, where our father's official duties often called, there were also vast areas there, where urban and industrial development had temporarily halted. Clean farms of Lower Saxony design, made of half-timbered houses with a large entrance gate, in the midst of friendly oak ridges. lay scattered between meadows and cornfields; The spirals smelled of the brook and ditch, and lilies of the valley could be found in some woods. (...)

We did not realize that all this could have an end. Certainly there were already some back then who saw the future more sharply than we, who we loved to be captivated by the size of the industry, the ingenuity and gigantic nature of the diverse work of mankind, and who looked at us in the future factories, streets and houses of nature in forest and field. We were with a certain right to be proud of the American development of the hometown and its neighborhood and felt that we were members of a determined community full of hard work and creativity. Even when the poisonous fumes from the coking plant turned the nearby wood into ruins, we accepted it as inevitable; hardly that a regret was ever audible anywhere. (...)

It was only at the end of the century that one began to see that the destruction of nature had made immeasurable progress and that one should speak of its remains as natural monuments. The term Heimatschutz did not appear in the classroom during our school days; The insight that grew out of necessity at the turn of the century created him too. Without even thinking about it, we saw the horizon of our midday journey narrowing in the nineties. Rows of houses penetrated into the field; three-story detached houses with ugly fire gables rose up suddenly; a few cemeteries with poor wooden crosses and tasteless grave decorations pushed in; high school buildings and steepled churches rose up; Discharge channels furrowed the flat terrain. The narrow pathways widened into black ash paths, and some of them were planted with armor, the trees that fight with the plane trees for the honor of most tenaciously defying the wine effects of the industry. These changes became more and more noticeable. The change to the state of the present took place ceaselessly. And gradually, when we had already taken off our children's shoes, we got an inkling of the terrible tragedy that rests on a landscape doomed to fall. In autumn we were not so depressed by the weary dying of the variegated deciduous forest, after all the passing was followed by the resurrection of spring; here the native nature died without hope. After years in the fourth autumn of war (1918, WK) I went the old path of the trampling club, which had long since dispersed to the wind. At least I tried to walk him. Whole sections were blocked and inaccessible, and little reminded of the time twenty-five years ago. Except for a number of pastures, everything appealing had disappeared. Behind neglected fences or hedge remnants lay attachments made from runkels, cabbage and potatoes. Goats grazed on the sparse strips of grass along the paths and ditch embankments, which the local humor calls miner's cows. All the running water was ink black. In the bare land there were still a few farms, their once yellowish-white half-timbered fields looked dirty gray between the black timbers. Only a few trees remained. (…) The plumes of smoke were lowering towards the earth, and the air was filled with that tar-like smell that has become peculiar to many parts of the area. The overcast sky, however, was hazy and cloudy than it looks elsewhere on rainy days. I have also taken other routes through the hometown communities that have long since become part of the big city and have been able to make many comparisons between the past and the now. I encountered the most profound changes at every turn, and it was often difficult for me to rediscover entire parts of my home. What I finally recognized looked like a stranger in a different environment and no longer fit into it. What was left of the former nature, former rurality, seemed out of date and made us sad. But even these last remnants have fallen into ruin.

What will remain then should not be drawn in here. In contrast, there are people who try to put the picturesque, romantic showpieces of industry in the foreground.Certainly the iron lines of the headframe stand out wonderfully against the sulfur-yellow western sky; Listening to the roaring rolling mill with its polyphonic work songs is a pleasure of its own, and the roaring flames of the Bessermer pears, the fiery snakes of the wire mill, the bright clouds of steam flowing around the red-yellow glowing coke wall always captivate the nocturnal observer anew. But all of that is a different matter. One can enthusiastically agree and yet it will inexorably have to state that large parts of the industrialized country are impoverished for all the magnificence of their works and work and an infinite amount of things that cannot be dispensed with without harming body and soul. (...)

From: H. Klose, The Westphalian industrial area and the preservation of nature, Berlin 1919, pp. 3-8.



Selected literature:

Born, Karl Erich: Economic and Social History of the German Empire, Stuttgart 1985

Brüggemeier, Franz-Josef: The endless sea of ​​the air. Air pollution, industrialization and risk debates in the 19th century, Essen 1996

Condrau, Flurin: Industrialization in Germany, Darmstadt 2005

Fischer, Wolfram: Economy and Society in the Age of Industrialization, Göttingen 1972

Henning, Friedrich-Wilhelm: Industrialization in Germany 1800-1914, Paderborn 1973

Hentschel, Volker: Economy and Economic Policy in Wilhelmine Germany. Organized Capitalism and Intervention State, Stuttgart 1978