Have you ever been racist

23 1 Introduction The Effects of Racism Being black in a white world is torture. This is because the white world is racist - when you are black you are seldom allowed to be a simple, ordinary person. Instead, you are faced with hidden clichés at every turn that come to life like lightning, are forced into you, destabilizing you, and making you think, do, and feel something in a way that is completely determined by the outside world, as if you had nothing to say on this matter. This can turn even the most innocuous situation into the most tense. Here is an example of such a moment, retold by a British actor, comedian and broadcaster: Sanjeev Bhaskar got his first taste of a traditional British curry house - and the traditional British approach to the menu along with chicken tikka masala - as a business student at the Polytechnic from Hatfield. He had gone to dinner in an Indian restaurant with a group of friends. The menus had been passed around, the beers and Indian flatbreads had been ordered. Then attention turned to the only non-white person in the room who wasn't a waiter. “It was one of the most unpleasant experiences I had in a restaurant,” Bhaskar recalls. “Someone said to me: 'You will of course order the hottest thing on the menu.' And I felt compelled to order it. In my head I was just visiting an Indian restaurant. But for everyone else I was an Indian in an Indian restaurant. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 24 1 Introduction And at this point I realized who I was and how uncomfortable it all was. 'It had never occurred to Bhaskar before that the spiciness of a curry could indicate anything other than how long it had been on the stove. He hadn't really realized - although he had endured a pretty tough time at school - that for many around him he wasn't just another guy, some student. He was strange, different (Graf, 2007, p. 48). The situation for this event could hardly be more ordinary and mundane. But the effect of that single remark ("You will of course order the hottest thing on the menu") changes things completely. It is as if a crack opens in Bhaskar's head for this moment, allowing the idea of ​​someone else he wants to accommodate to penetrate - to settle in there, to take control of his voice and speak in his own voice - so that it is not denied it can be said that the preference that has been expressed is his own. A mere fraction of a second later the action is done and things return to normal. Now he can see with his own eyes what has just happened, and what he sees is shocking: in the most skilful way he had been sent to his right place - that of a black foreigner in a white country. Where had he been that he hadn't noticed this fact beforehand? Had he fooled himself into thinking he was an Englishman? In the meantime, the sociability between equals continues in the outside world, in that his white comrades are unaware of the drama that is going on inside him. What do you do in a situation like this? If he interrupts the course of the evening and confronts his attacker, he risks being seen as an Indian who is overly sensitive to his race. The other person had basically just asked an innocent question that made Bhaskar's hypersensitivity to his race beyond measure, as it now turned out - right? This confirms that the problem is in his head, not that of the attacker. If he were to just let this go by - which he did - he could be accused of stereotyping, which in an open racist refrain 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 25 The Effect of Racism “Pakistani go home” ends by staying quiet. Again the problem - now guilt combined with racism - is on his mind. There is no question that after this incident, the victim will no longer be able to live peacefully. Alone among others, Bhaskar is the one who has to come to terms with the experience "how uncomfortable it was to be yourself", while his attacker can simply leave the matter behind. It is particularly noteworthy that he characterizes this experience as "one of the most uncomfortable [...] I've had in a restaurant," which hardly does justice to what happened. If we play this back in slow motion and take a close-up look at what I've just been doing, it becomes clear that we are dealing with nothing less than a psychotic moment. A break in the continuity of his being had taken place - this constant feeling from all of us that we have more or less the reins of our inner being in our hands, what distinguishes "me" from "them" in a unique way, which strengthens our ability to work with others - and had allowed the other to invade and take possession of himself. This is serious business, especially when this exchange is taking place in a white world where power is splitting along the color line. Frantz Fanon (1952), who wrote at a different time and place, describes this way of dealing with one's own black skin color - one's own difference to being white - as if a black person were thrown into a dry area of ​​nonbeing who has to laboriously collect his broken limbs again. Let me share another incident that may help substantiate what I have just said. You are driving in your completely inconspicuous car when a police officer stops you for a formality - let's say your tail light doesn't work. You suspect trouble: you will inevitably get a ticket, an immediate fine or you will have to prove an intact tail light within a certain period of time, which means at least a nuisance. An apology is worth trying. This is how you explain that you were unaware of the facts and that you are grateful that you were brought to your attention. You will attach the new tail light immediately. May courtesy in return elicit friendliness? Could you get fired with a warning to get things done quickly? Who knows. However, his face tells you that he will not be affected by it. He would like to see 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 26 1 Introduction your driver's license, the vehicle registration and the car insurance papers, all that you need according to the law in case of need, although hardly anyone carries all of these with them. You only have one of these with you, so you made another mistake. It turns out that this second misdemeanor triggers a meticulous investigation into your identification documents, supposedly intended to confirm your identity and so on. But why - he can't seriously believe that rickety old box is a stolen car? When he's busy with you, however, the car turns into an object of intense suspicion - all registration details are reported to the police station and then he literally goes through everything - from bumper to bumper. Could it be that he's looking for drugs? Certainly not! Since this farce does not want to end, you become more and more convinced that you have been singled out as a victim in today's power game. The rising anger needs to be controlled because you realize that the clock has struck and you are now in danger of being late for your next appointment. You have to avoid unnecessary delays. Don't make a fuss about it. If you lose your cool aura (which you think you are feeling at the moment), you will likely provoke him further. You remember that black people are often arrested "for preventing police officers from performing their duties," so you keep calm, hoping at least not to complicate matters further. In addition, there is an almost palpable feeling that he perceives your discomfort and takes pleasure in it: Could it be that he is meticulously filling out your written summons to show the missing forms? "Sir, can you spell this again for me?" "No, Sir, I have to fill out this form myself." It dawns on you that forbearance is free today, and after the die is cast, you take all caution to the wind and protest the delay by saying that you need to see a patient in your clinic in a few minutes. And now, with a clear tone of triumph, he strikes back and says, "Sorry, sir, that's the law." And are you imagining it, or has checking and checking details become even more cumbersome? At the end of it all, you feel worn out and trimmed: to a black outsider who dared to assume he could be a normal citizen of a multicultural European metropolis. What did you think who 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 27 The effect of racism you are ? You start to seething inside you feel like you could easily join a mob in a rampage against the sheer injustice of everything. When you talk about it with your friends, you realize that blacks and whites react differently. Black people seem to know what you mean, but seem amazed that you expect them to revisit something absolutely terrible when you know it would be better to leave it alone. Happy banter and laughter would be the medicine of choice. “That happens every day”, “Don't take it so personally”, “We are brothers and stick together in this” or more seriously: “When the going gets tough, they are fundamentally against us. We know that, although many whites hypocrite something else «,» We will always be outcasts «,» That's just the way the world is, brother. «A paranoid point of view seems to suffice and if you question this, you will find expressions like : "Right, but nothing is ever going to change, and if so, why, brother?" On the other hand, white friends seem almost too happy to show how aware they are of such annoying street derailments and want to think about it seriously. No, they don't think the police would treat a white person that way - although the police themselves would deny it - and yes, there must be an element of racism involved. Some cops are racists through and through. But does that really have something to do with race? Maybe the cops are just idiots who annoy any vulnerable group? Your more educated friends make it clear that these cops at most compensate for the lower middle class, their own inferiority through the authority with which they command blacks, and so on. Or they might just be jealous - why tell them that you work in a clinic but not as a cleaner? Such conversations feel manic: they fill your head with a vortex of ideas that pulls you out of your unhappiness. But has political correctness crept in? Do you get consolation from the idea that we are far superior to them, with which you do not solve your problem, but shift it into them? While the cop is pushing you out with all his might, your white friends invite you in, offering you solace through belonging and throwing those out into the idiots' underworld where they belong. But, contrary to the offer of your black friends, this seems artificial. They seem to be too much 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 28 1 Introduction To empathize with you, to create common ground, to show that they too know what it is like to run into blind prejudice. But do they do that? Isn't her tone a little too disapproving? Does it cover up the guilt about the fact that the police wouldn't treat them like that, threateningly revealing that you and they don't reveal that you are on different sides of the black and white gap? In any case, you find that talking and thinking have taken the place of knowledge based on life experience that could bring true peace of mind. And so it is not a question of whether you are going with your black or white friends, but whether by following either you are stepping over into a safe zone of belonging or whether you stick with what you feel, so horrible it is is. If you stick with it, you will find yourself caught between two alternatives that I mentioned earlier: Either you adjust yourself to what is expected of you (e.g. to accept the authority of the police officer), in which If you then very quietly support the opinion that blacks are fair game for racial abuse1, or you rebel (against his abuse of authority), in which case the refusal for anything improper to happen ("I carry out the law, sir") Portraying you as the stereotypical, overly sensitive black person who is overly sensitive to race and all too angry and reluctant to submit to the rules of the law. To be at home in this place implies an excruciating turmoil, but being black in a white world psychologically means just that. It is the mundane existence of everyday life, sealed inward, and the black person has no choice but to live with it, if not consciously then within the unconscious. One way or another you have been ambushed, your peace of mind has been shaken. And apart from the attraction of both comfort zones, you're stuck, all alone. Internal and external racism The events described above took place in the external world, but they had profound internal consequences. We can conclude from this that 1 Rae Sherwood (1980) speaks here of an incorrect use of the racial difference. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 29 Internal and external racism that racism exists in both the outside world and in the head. In the outside world, many forms of racism are readily perceived, ranging from the grim horror of genocide - from the Nazis in Germany and Pol Pot in Cambodia, or more recently in Rwanda and Bosnia - and racist murders, race riots and so on on the one hand to racist discrimination, systematic prejudice and subtle everyday discrimination on the other side. In this broad external context, racism is recognized and publicly discussed. It is also taken seriously as a subject of academic research in the social sciences. More subtle dimensions of racist exchanges, such as those I referred to above, are occasionally discussed publicly, but even then the frame of reference remains in the outside world. Their inner dimension is perceived, but still seen as an inner experience of, say, institutional racism or of growing up as a second generation immigrant. That is, although the subjective experience of racism is recognized, it is seldom taken seriously as an independent subject of psychological research. Is that because it's so commonplace? Who could not imagine, in a relaxed, unobserved moment, committing a faux pas like the one that concerned Bhaskar? And who wanted to be called a racist because of that? However, the incidents outlined above make it clear that racist encounters have the power to invade us in a very disturbing manner. Why is this so? What makes the perpetrator - a friend in Bhaskar's case - carry out such an attack? What gives racist attacks the power to eat into oneself in this way? Why do they interfere with our normal functioning in such a way? Why is it so difficult to break free from their grip and hold on to yourself - what you think, feel or want, what you were before it all broke out? What makes the ability to think calm? Going back to the opening vignettes, the questions I just raised require us to move beyond the perspective of the outside world and move inward into the psychoanalytic realm.The tremendous and deeply disturbing effect of the situations described above becomes clear. However, as I have already mentioned, there would be no progress in confronting the perpetrator directly with what he is doing, because one would experience immediate rejection- 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 30 1 Introduction or simply cause incomprehension - the policeman had only done his duty, Bhaskar's friend was just joking. Our first observation, therefore, is that racist elements run outside and parallel to the usual conscious discourse - so our investigation must be psychoanalytic rather than psychological. Furthermore, these elements work on the preverbal rather than the verbal level: one is not inclined to think about or reflect on the situation, but instead is forced to act - Bhaskar reacted as he was expected to; I did everything I could to suppress my reaction to the police officer. These observations highlight the need for a psychoanalytic frame of reference capable of illuminating the non-verbal conditions of human existence. Psychoanalysis and Racism: A Problematic Relationship The need to address both dimensions of racism, external and internal, has been recognized for many years (e.g. Fenichel, 1946; Gordon, 1994b; Dalal, 1997). Fifty years ago, Frantz Fanon argued that "in order to shed light on the anomalies of affects" (2000, p. 9) involved in racism, a psychoanalytic approach is required whose models of the soul are theoretically thought out and therefore precise fit (Bhugra & Bhui, 1998, p. 319). How far have we come For many years progress was held up by an unpleasant banter about the question of origin. While social scientists tended to see racism as coming from the outside world, clinicians tended to reduce it to psychological issues that were considered primary. Racist hatred of the black man, for example, was seen as an oedipal rival2 based on the hatred of the father (e.g. Rodgers, 1960). If for the 2 Joel Kovel offers another variant: »[W] during my assistantship [remarked] an excellent professor […] that racism is caused by black masochism - a disgusting and, one could even say, racist remark , and yet confirmed by a strict reading of Freud's principles about aggression and the internalization of the death instinct. The Freudian View 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 31 Psychoanalysis and Racism: A Problematic Relationship » If the oedipal stage is assumed to be the real "psychological cause of white hatred," then the question of whether there is something specific in the relationship between the white self and the culturally sanctioned "black scapegoat" fades into the background - the black person is then one of many possible proxies to whom the oedipal hatred can be shifted. The racist object relationship is just not the real issue. Farhad Dalal (2002) argues that the psychoanalytic models, by neglecting the social, ignore racism. Although his assessment of the relevant literature is vulnerable (Davids, 2003a), this does not diminish his central thesis that clinicians reduce race to more familiar psychological issues or suspected conflicts from the outset. While such an approach may work in the treatment room, 3 it limits our ability to shed light on the psychology of racism and can be a manifestation of institutional racism as a form of general indifference to race in our profession (Thomas, 1992; Gordon, 1994b). Joel Kovel's (1988) comprehensive psychohistorical history of white racism, written by him as a psychoanalytic trainee and first published in 1970, changed the landscape that was divided between the perspectives of the outer and inner world. He demonstrated the ubiquity of racism in white American (and ultimately Western) society by showing how it is rooted in indigenous subjugation and the extensive role of the slave trade, both based on the dehumanization of the other and thus built into the narrative of America as the land of the free as a racist downside. He argues convincingly that the racism of our world is deeply embedded in us: "In a society like ours, which deserves the dubious award of being called racist, racism really characterizes every individual life" (Kovel, 2000, p. 583). This courageous and admirable work (Young, 1994) has gradually emerged as a counterbalance to earlier, more conventional ones that never seemed to escape negating biologism. History and the moral requirements of being human could only be seen as a defense in relation to the drive ”(2000, p. 581). 3 I name this problem in Chapter 3 (p. 63). 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 32 1 Introduction of psychoanalytic conceptions, which either collectively include the concept of race or reduced it to an internal phenomenon. If, in a racist world, racism characterizes every individual mind, then psychoanalysts have a responsibility to explore its origins, development and function within the broader psychic economy. This seems obvious, but when we review the psychoanalytic preoccupation with this subject, two problems become apparent. First, the recognition of the need for a psychology of racism appears ambivalent. Second, when the psychology of racism is explored, it is often viewed as "applied" psychoanalysis. Ambivalenz In 2002 Farhad Dalal published an important book entitled Race, Color and the Processes of Racialization: New Perspectives from Psychoanalysis, Group Analysis and Sociology. The subtitle might lead us to expect an unbiased approach to external and internal dimensions of racism. However, while Dalal's historicizing account of how racism arises from the need to distinguish between the wealthy and the poor - an outer world perspective - it does little justice to the dimensions of the inner world. Instead, he argues that a psychology of racism can create the impression that racism originates from within, obscuring the role of external, material forces in its development and maintenance. Dalal justifies his distance from a psychology of racism with the argument that the mind is not part of the outside world, but an abstraction. He quotes the psychoanalyst and group analyst Siegmund Heinrich Foulkes: "The group, the community, is the ultimate primary unit of reflection, and the so-called inner processes in the individual are internalizations of the forces that operate in the group to which they belong" (Foulkes, 1971, p. 212, quoted in Dalal, 2002, p. 114). 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 33 Psychoanalysis and Racism: A Problematic Relationship I think that is problematic. Theoretical constructs are of course abstractions, but to use this as an argument for the fact that little can be gained through understanding the role of the psyche in maintaining racism, denying it, so to speak, an individual right to exist, is not convincing. In order to do this, one does not have to believe that the mind has a material existence, because the assumption that one's own research object is something real is necessary, regardless of the research environment. Foulkes himself confirms this as well: “The network of all individual processes [the matrix] - the psychological medium in which they meet, communicate and interact […] - is of course a construct in the same way as […] the mind is one «(Foulkes, 1966). The probationary test is not whether the soul is real or an abstraction, but whether exploring the role it plays in racism adds something to our understanding of this phenomenon. Dalal and, to a lesser extent, Foulkes prioritize the social as the place of motivation, but I believe this continues the earlier polarized debate about origins and puts an elaborate psychology of racism a long way off. The price Dalal pays for this is that his model is convincing in a broader social, historical, and political context to explain the origins and perpetuation of racism, but at the same time produces clinical interventions that are not theory-led and extremely poor, and with Reach consciousness almost exclusively in their language (Dalal, 2002, pp. 216–227). Dalal's contribution is an example of an ambivalent attitude towards the inner dimensions of racism, which is unfortunately widespread. That must, I think, raise the question of whether there is any resistance to research into internal racism for fear that it may be uncomfortable and personally hurtful to all of us. Applied Psychoanalysis There is a fundamental problem in viewing race as an area of ​​applied rather than "pure" clinical psychoanalysis. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 34 1 Introduction Applying already existing concepts to a new phenomenon like photographing a new object from different angles. While each image gives an interesting new point of view, the sum of them all cannot replace the dismantling of the entire object that its interior fittings would reveal. At best, the applied approach to race brings out rich and interesting psychoanalytic perspectives, but ultimately contributes more to psychoanalysis than to understanding racism. For example, the pioneering "analysis" of a black migrant worker in South Africa in the 1920s by Wulf Sachs (1937) produced fascinating data, but its scientific value was that it confirmed the universality of central psychoanalytic concepts of the time by showing how these work in the soul of a people-related black African. Likewise, Rea Sherwood's (1980) extensive study of racialized interpretations of the other revealed a model of malicious and loving racial spirals. But this model is neither psychoanalytically nor sociologically worked out (Hopper, 1982); his psychoanalytic contribution is limited to showing that as anxiety rises in adolescence, the use of racialized categories in the outer world becomes more dangerous, because these create a destructive inner-outer spiral. Racial categories belong to the outside world and can dissolve an inner adolescent tension. The latter occupies a space where the exploration of internal racism should be located, and the question of why racial categories attract the psyche so much in the moment of despair is not asked. I hope that even this brief discussion shows that the applied orientation does not bring us the maximum learning process about internal racism hidden in the data of this excellent research. At worst, the applied approach leads us to an oversupply of illustrations with which we can demonstrate "our" concepts of racism. Drive theorists can show that sexuality and aggression are projected beyond the separation of the races: the Lacanians, that the other is embodied there, the Kleinians, that primitive object relationships take place out there, and so on. Each one refers to their theoretical background to shed light on the phenomenon. Racism is becoming the newest canvas on which to present our concepts. To be used for someone else's purpose is such 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 35 This book is a central element in the experience of racism that creates an additional incentive to question this practice. This Book This book takes a fundamentally different approach by treating racism as a stand-alone subject of clinical research. Fortunately, I am a dark-skinned immigrant, while many of my patients are of European origin, creating a transracial or cultural dyad in the treatment room. This is the starting point from which my investigation begins. My interest in this topic began in 1975 when I discovered the work of Frantz Fanon as a PhD student in Cape Town. Fanon, whose work was banned during the apartheid years, speaks clearly of the experience of being black in a racist milieu where power is in white hands. My first response to him was emotional. It was a tremendous relief that an experience that I barely noticed and that was otherwise invisible in psychology - and that at a liberal anti-apartheid university - was not only recognized but also articulated powerfully and without compromise. On the theoretical level, Fanon (1952) was the first to propose that a psychoanalytic investigation is needed to understand the deeper elements of what he called the "black problem" - namely, the specific variant of being a black person in one To live the time of colonialism - to understand. I see this today as internal racism that is a universal characteristic of the human mind. Juliet Mitchell's then-recently published book Psychoanalysis and Feminism (1974) showed that a psychoanalytic investigation could clearly shed light on how another form of oppression - namely that of women - can exist in a real and very charged way deep within our souls drawn by our lived history. Because this suppression involves the relationship between the sexes, Mitchell was able to refer directly to the clinically validated theory of the Oedipus complex to reveal the connections between the psyche and the social context, thus bringing a rich, layered and nuanced understanding to it. Regarding the racial divide, there was still no suitable theory and fanons 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 36 1 Introduction one's own attempt to develop one through the methodology of applied psychoanalysis suffers precisely from this. Referring to later developments, I will elaborate one of his ideas - the epidermalization of inferiority - to give it psychological depth. I show how this idea deepens our understanding of the mechanisms of internal racism, but still lags behind a complete elaboration. What is needed is a psychoanalytic representation that does the same for a race / class division as the Oedipus complex theory does for the gender division. The chapters in Part I of this book deal with how racial difference is inscribed in the psyche, the need for which is widely recognized (e.g. Leary, 2000). Freud's theory of the Oedipus complex was largely shaped by his self-analysis (Laplanche & Pontalis, 1973). This revealed a wealth of precise information, which assured the closeness of the theory to the clinical observations. I follow the same path, beginning in Chapter 2 by describing a racist attack that was initially felt in the countertransference4. On the basis of detailed clinical material, I show that this came from a defense organization constructed around the racial difference between patient and analyst. To support this view, I present two types of clinical facts (Tuckett, 1995): the patient's response to me in the here and now, which implied my naming the race as an element of attack, and details that emerged in the analysis below and showed that the elements which I assumed were gathered in a defense organization were indeed present in the patient's psyche. The level of detailed reasoning I bring is unusual for today when clinical research tends to examine finer details of psychoanalytic concepts whose general validity has already been established (Leuzinger-Bohleber & Fischmann, 2006).Since this is not the case with regard to internal racism, it would be risky to treat it that way and thus reduce racism to a well-known psychological category, a topic that I am interested in To denote a reaction - affective and cognitive - that is triggered in the analyst by the patient, in contrast to a reaction that emanates exclusively from the inside of the analyst. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 37 I already mentioned this book. Therefore, in Chapter 2, I resist my initial attempt to ignore race as a factor, return to Freud's clinical method in his early case studies, and show that it was indeed part of the attack and that it came from a defense organization. In Chapter 3 I ask whether the existing concept of pathological organization (J. Steiner, 1987) can explain the defense system from which the attack originated. I provide further evidence to show that this concept, while describing the operational features of the system, does not sufficiently take into account the fact that it was a normal, open-ended strategy that organized internal defenses employ through social stereotypes aligns with the outside world. This hides both its defensive nature and the cruel way in which it projected into the racial other. I suggest that we call this normal variant an internal racist organization to distinguish it from its pathological counterpart. It would of course be irresponsible to add one more to the plethora of concepts already populating the psychoanalytic landscape for no reason. In Chapter 3 I therefore consider what further evidence there is to support the concept of an internal racist organization in the psyche. As I include our theory of normal development and work, this requires a metapsychological investigation, which falls into the conceptual research category of contemporary psychoanalysis (Leuzinger-Bohleber & Fischmann, 2006; Wallerstein, 2009). I draw on evidence from developmental psychology as well as observations from the wider world to support my theory and show that it is continuously connected to the existing body of psychoanalytic knowledge into which I integrate it. The material in Chapter 2 allowed me to explore in detail the dynamics of internal racism and its place in the psyche by analyzing an opportunistically developed racist defense - if the clinician had not been black, the patient would have sought an alternative. It cannot therefore support the theory that I advocate, namely that a racist organization has existed as a stable element of defense over time. In Chapter 4, I return to the clinical setting to provide evidence of such a defense arrangement that passed unnoticed in a previous analysis. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 38 1 Introduction When a racist organization functions like a pathological organization , we would assume that a patient would cling to it as stubbornly as the more severely disturbed patient to the latter. This, in turn, could not be demonstrated by the clinical vignette about the patient from Chapter 2 - because the mention of the burdened dimension race caused a sinking into a paranoid way of thinking because of the severity of his disorder. With the description of a group situation in Chapter 5, I correct this omission and present the quality of the argument that is connected with the approach to internal racism. If internal racism exists in the psyche of everyone, as I advocate, then one might expect it to surface in a group consciousness that arises when individuals gather to face their racism, which is the task of the group which I report on in this chapter. The material shows both, namely the difficulty of the argument and, from a theoretical point of view, that this work took place between paranoid-schizoid and depressive positions (Segal, 1964; J. Steiner, 1987). The uncertainty and openness of this work supports my claim that the racist defense exists in a normal psyche and that it provides the normal ego capacities for the difficult task of confronting one's own inner racism. In Part II, I focus on a review of previous psychoanalytic attempts that have dealt with the psychology of racism. It begins with a chapter on Fanon's contribution. Fanon's criticism of Octave Mannoni's reductionism helps to focus the debate and outline a basic orientation in the relationship between psychoanalysis and social context, which provides the backdrop for my own study of internal racism. In addition, I examine how our discipline approached anti-Semitism and white-black racism, and show that this is extremely difficult to achieve, although the need for clinical research, in contrast to applied psychoanalysis, was recognized from the start. If internal racism is a normal part of the psyche - which I suggest - it may complicate our attempts as a discipline to study the issue thoroughly. To shed some light on this, in Chapter 8, for example, I particularly consider the equation of brown skin with the color of feces. Even so, it will become apparent that the model I am 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 Definition of terms: The racial other suggestion can be viewed as an evolution of theoretical concepts that have emerged over the past two decades. An element of pronounced mental disorder that may be implicated in racism - it is sometimes described as narcissistic or borderline involvement - is increasingly recognized, as is the need for clinicians to deal with their own racism in order to be clinically effective . However, the implications of these isolated observations on a coherent theory of internal racism have not yet been fully understood. The book ends with Part III, in which I apply the concept of internal racism to racist processes in the outside world. The evidence and reasoning presented here is of a different nature than that in Part I, where the evidence was intended to demonstrate the validity of the construct "internal racism". Here the material illustrates how issues of internal racism can be recognized in institutions of the outside world, where they can explain phenomena of institutional racism (Chapter 9). Elsewhere, with the same approach, I have tried to identify issues of internal racism in the emergence of Islamophobia after September 11th (Davids, 2006a). Applications like this raise the question of whether it helps to identify the internal racist attitude. Further investigation is needed to find out what such interventions should be like and whether they would make a difference. However, it is important to note that psychic forces are not the only ones, but perhaps the decisive ones, that work in the wider world; In order to change racist attitudes, interventions that go beyond the psychological are certainly required. Understanding the nature of the psychological processes involved is, I think, an indispensable part of this work. I hope this book goes some of the way by identifying the need. Definition: The Racial Other This book examines the inner relationship between the self and the "other" of social stereotypes. I wish I could just call this character "the other," but that term already has a double purpose. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 40 1 Introduction Developmentally, the infant encounters the first other when at the same time, its survival is completely dependent on at least one person. If things go well in this relationship, usually with the mother, then a more or less successful differentiation of the self follows. Difficulties that arise at this stage affect the ability to be object-related and thus affect all relationships. The relationship between self and other as part of social stereotyping is not a common occurrence. The second other is the third object, conceptualized as the father appearing in the oedipal situation. If the other conformed to this figure's social stereotyping, difficulties in this relationship would correspond exactly to those between the gender self and the other, which they do not (see Chapter 6, p. 143). I therefore use the term racial other for the other of social stereotyping. This is arbitrary and imprecise as social stereotyping is not restricted to race alone, which I will discuss. Even so, we remain in the company of a number of powerful meanings that are important to our investigation, as it is immediately triggered by the term racial. Since I can't find a new term, I can't think of anything better. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 Part I Internal Racism