Which nationality can be mistaken for Persian

Difficulties in acquiring DaZ for learners with Persian as L1

Table of Contents

List of figures

List of tables

1 Introduction
1.1 Motivation
1.2 Objective
1.3 Structure

2 Basics of Persian
2.1 Overview
2.1.1 Historically
2.1.2 Geographical
2.3 Linguistic structures of Persian
2.3.1 Alphabet and writing
2.3.2 Morphology
2.3.3 Syntax

3 empirical findings
3.1 Test setup
3.2 Results and evaluation
3.2.1 Morphology
3.2.2 Syntax
3.3 reflection

4 conclusion
4.1 Summary
4.2 Problem
4.3 Conclusion
4.4 Outlook

5 List of sources

6 Appendix

Appendix 1: Test Procedure A.

Appendix 2: Test Procedure B

List of figures

Figure 1 Persian speakers in Asia

Figure 2 Evaluation of the morphological errors

Figure 3: Evaluation of the syntactic errors

List of tables

Figure not included in this excerpt

1 Introduction

1.1 Motivation

A. Seidel published his work as early as 1803 Practical grammar of the New Persian language for self-teaching; in which he examined and explained Persian in German. Seidel was not the only one who dealt with the Persian language and its poets at the beginning of the 19th century. Enthusiasm for Persian literature and its writers1 such as Rudagi, Firdausi, Nisami, Rumi, Saadi, Hafis or Hatifi already existed before the apparition of Goethe West-east divan in 1819. Goethe was inspired by Hafez ‘works, which also spread Persian literature in Europe (cf. Seidel 1803, 2). It should be noted that studies like the Seidel's on the linguistic structures of Persian from the early 20th century do not exist in Germany. It is unclear whether this happened because of the political tensions between Germany and Iran and Afghanistan. Within the last few years, there has been a greater interest in new Persian textbooks and courses in Persian. The increasing interest in the Persian language and literature in Germany can be traced back to the increasing number of Persian speakers since 2013. The total number of foreigners living in Germany 2 from Afghanistan and Iran in 2015 was 469,673 (Federal Statistical Office 2016, 39-41). The Persian-speaking children of these migrants born in Germany are only partially included in the statistics, as it can be assumed that the majority of them have a German passport. The new form of interest in the Persian language arose after 58,7803 recognized asylum seekers from Afghanistan and Iran came to Germany between 2013 and 2016 and stayed (Federal Office for Migration and Refugees 2015, 5). This not only increased interest in language and literature, but also in transfer phenomena within language didactics. The foreign language didactics, which is used in teaching German as a second language (DaZ) and German as a foreign language (DaF), deals with the references to the first language. The first language is "the language that we - mostly in a family context - learn from birth" (Ahrenholz 2014, 3). The first language enables an emotionality that can seldom be achieved through second or other foreign languages. It is colloquially known as mother tongue referred to and abbreviated as L1 in the following. German as a second language differs from German as a foreign language, among other things, in terms of language acquisition situation, but also in function. DaZ can take place as bilingual first language acquisition (dual language acquisition), as early second language acquisition by children or second language acquisition by adolescents and adults. German is learned as a second language if there is a direct reference to everyday communication and if it takes place in Germany, i.e. in a target-language country. When acquiring German as a foreign language, the language acquisition takes place outside the target-language country, e.g. in Iran at a Goethe Institute or a German school. In addition, learners with GFL lessons have no direct language reference in their everyday life; they do not apply what they have learned directly (cf. Rösch 2011, 11-16; Ahrenholz 2014, 7ff.). Persian-speaking migrants in Germany learn German in language courses, at school or in their immediate social environment. Therefore, this language acquisition takes place both in the situation and in the function mainly as a second and not as a foreign language 4. The question of the extent to which the first language influences the target language also received more attention within schools and voluntary German courses. Different source languages ​​have different effects on second language acquisition (cf. Ahrenholz 2014, 65). The aim of the present work is therefore to show which specific mistakes are made by learners due to the Persian source language and where the greatest difficulties lie. In foreign language didactics and its science, transfer phenomena have been discussed for decades in order to optimize didactic methods for learners. Transfer phenomena are examined in particular in interference theory, which states that morphosyntactic rules from the source language are applied to the target language. According to linguist Henning Wode, languages ​​must show sufficient similarities so that transfer phenomena are possible (cf. Jeuk 2008, 34). Like German, Persian belongs to the Indo-European language family (cf. Sadaghiani, 3). Whether language similarities due to transfer phenomena or language differences lead to a higher number of errors is to be investigated further. In the present work, therefore, difficulties due to transfer phenomena are not exclusively examined. Linguistic phenomena in German where the learner comes across a blank space in Persian should also be taken into account.

1.2 Objective

The present work deals with difficulties in acquiring DaZ for learners with Persian as L1. Only difficulties that affect the acquisition of written German are examined. Phonology and phonetics of German and Persian are therefore not taken into account. Instead, the difficulties in morphology and syntax should be brought into focus. In order to categorize the morphological and syntactic phenomena of the two languages ​​according to their differences, the two are compared. The greatest differences are to be found within the morphology, which in turn can be divided into three categories. The division into different categories should enable a statement to be made as to whether the highest number of errors can be found in phenomena that learners already know from their source language or in those phenomena in which learners encounter a blank in their source language. With the help of a test procedure, it is to be checked for which morphological and syntactic phenomena learners with Persian as L1 have the greatest difficulties and the highest number of errors.

1.3 Structure

The work is divided into a theoretical and an empirical part. First, the history of Persian and the geographical distribution of speakers and varieties are presented. Then specific differences between Persian and German within the alphabet, morphology and syntax are shown. The morphological and syntactic phenomena are divided into three categories. The first category examines phenomena in which the learner encounters a blank in his source Persian language. The second category includes phenomena in which the learner encounters much more complex structures in German than in Persian, but already knows the function of the phenomenon from Persian. The third category includes Persian phenomena in which learners encounter a blank in German. Then expected errors for DaZ learners are explained and justified with the results of the language comparison. In the further course of the work, the specially created test procedures and the test subjects are presented. The test subjects are between 14 and 36 years old and come from Afghanistan. Their first language is Persian, but many grew up bilingually with another tribal language. All test persons came to Germany as asylum seekers and are therefore learning the German language in voluntary language courses and in official integration courses5. Your length of stay in Germany varies between six months and one and a half years. The duration of participation in a language course or school lesson also varies greatly. Some test persons have not yet taken part in a language course, others have been attending a German school for a year and have been in contact with the German for a longer period of time. Due to the different language levels of the test subjects, two different test procedures were created, which were adapted to the language level. The test tasks are based on the linguistic phenomena examined in the theoretical part. The morphological and syntactic competencies in the German language are tested with various tasks. In addition, the test persons can use a self-assessment to indicate which linguistic phenomena they can learn without problems and which give them particularly great difficulties. Then the test results of morphology and syntax are presented in order to evaluate them afterwards. These are also compared with the self-assessment of the test subjects. The evaluation focuses on the number of errors in the individual categories of the language comparison; the number of errors in the individual test subjects is not examined primarily here. In the reflection of the empirical the established error hypotheses are checked with the empirical evaluation of the results. In the final part, after the summary of the present work, the problem of the evaluation of the results will be dealt with separately. The conclusion serves to classify the results in the pedagogical context. The aim here is to examine the extent to which the present results on the difficulties in acquiring DaZ can be used for learners with Persian as L1 in the classroom. The final outlook shows which areas, which have already been explained in the problem, can serve as the basis for further work.

2 Basics of Persian

The following chapter serves to impart basic knowledge about the Persian language. First, a brief overview of the basics of Persian should be given, in order to then consider the historical development and geographical distribution of Persian.

2.1 Overview

Persian is a pluricentric language and has several names such as Farsi, Dari, Fārsi-e Dari and Tāǧiki 6. The standard varieties of New Persian in Iran and Afghanistan are Fars i and Dari. Tāǧiki is the standard variety spoken in Tajikistan (cf. Sadaghiani, 3). Various authors claim Dari and Farsi are two different languages. However, they are only two different standard varieties of Persian and therefore belong to the same language. The standard varieties each contain different dialects, which differ mainly in vocabulary and pronunciation. In Iran, the Tehran dialect is the standard, while Kaboli, the Kabul dialect, is the standard in Afghanistan (cf. Windfuhr 2008). The high number of dialects is due to the fact that short vowels are not written down. Overall, it should be noted that the term 'Farsi' is used as a general name for the Persian language in Iran, Afghanistan and other countries. The term 'Dari' is only used to distinguish it from the Persian spoken in Iran. Within this work, the term 'Persian' is used axiomatically as a synonym for the standard varieties Dari and Farsi, the differences between which are not examined further. Like German, Persian belongs to the Indo-European language family, but it belongs to the Iranian branch. That German and Persian are similar can already be seen from many similar words such as name (nam), Mother (madar), Daughter (daxtan) (cf. Sadaghiani, 3ff.). Further similarities with regard to the alphabet, morphology and syntax are examined and presented in Section 2.2.

2.1.1 Historically

The following describes the historical development of Persian. Persian is the only Iranian language that has been documented for two and a half millennia. During the two thousand years the language developed and changed dramatically. The neo-Persian that is examined in this work arose from the 8th century AD after the Islamization by the Arabs in Central Asia. From then on, the Arabic alphabet and many Arabic words were adopted. Persian lost morphological phenomena such as gender under the influence of the Arabs (cf. Windfuhr, 2008 445f.). In addition, the name of Persian changed from Parsi to Farsibecause the Arabic alphabet does not include / p / and uses / f / instead. A peculiarity of Persian is the assertion against the Arabic adoption, which means that Neupersian speakers can understand texts that are over a thousand years old (cf. Sadaghiani, 3). Neupersisch acted as from the 10th century AD in large parts of West, South and Central Asia along the Silk Road to China lingua franca and thus had an influence on the development of other languages ​​in Asia. Tehran has been the center of the Persian language since the first half of the 19th century. This is where today's modern New Persian of Iran was created. In the 19th century, too, Persian simplified progressively due to the increasing European influence in politics, economics and business. At the same time, a literary language of its own developed in Tajikistan under Russian and Soviet rule. This Persian was based on local dialects and was written in Cyrillic, but today the Persian alphabet is used again (cf. Windfuhr 2008, 447f.).

2.1.2 Geographical

The Persian speakers are divided into two groups. The first group lives in countries with Persian as the official language, as shown in Figure 1 in red. This applies to Iran, Afghanistan and Tajikistan with the respective standard varieties Farsi, Dari and Tāǧiki, marked in yellow in Figure 1 (cf. Windfuhr 2008, 445). The second group speaks Persian as a minority language in a country with a different official language. This second group lives in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Russia, Pakistan and China (yellow). Persian-speaking emigrants in North America, Israel and Bahrain are not included in Figure 1 due to their emigration (cf. Sadaghiani, 3). Different information can be found about the number of Persian speakers worldwide, because speakers often grow up bilingual or multilingual. Windfuhr (2008, 446) names 42 million Persian speakers in the first group with Persian as L1 in Iran (70 million inhabitants), in Afghanistan 15.5 million (31 million inhabitants) and in Tajikistan 6 million (7.5 million inhabitants) . Other authors do not limit the number of first language speakers exclusively to Tajikistan, but include the second group with 17 million minority speakers in Central Asia (cf. Sadaghiani, 3f.). The studies relate exclusively to speakers with Persian as their first or second language. In order to consider the total number of Persian speakers, the 60 million Persian-speaking emigrants and foreign language speakers must be taken into account in statistics, who live primarily in the United States of America, Israel, the United Arab Emirates and Germany (cf. ibid., 3) .

Figure not included in this excerpt

Figure 1 Persian speakers in Asia (red: Persian as an official language; yellow: Persian as a minority language) (based on: http://www.asien.net/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/asien-laender.jpg)

2.3 Linguistic structures of Persian

The following chapter shows and explains the differences between German and Persian. The alphabet and writing system of the Persian language are explained, the differences to German are outlined without detailed analysis. Subsequently, the morphology and syntax of the two languages ​​are compared and hypotheses are made about the difficulties to be expected for DaZ learners.

2.3.1 Alphabet and writing

The spelling and sound of Persian developed independently of one another over the course of over two thousand years. This made Persian a language with two forms, the spoken and the written form (Majidi 2000, 81). The former is used as a direct communication medium.The following work examines the written form, which is why Persian phonology and phonetics are not discussed. The writing runs to the left. All consonants of the phonetic system are written down. In contrast to German, no distinction is made between upper and lower case (cf. Duden 2009, 85). In addition, there is no syllable separation in Persian (cf. Majidi 2000, 83). As already mentioned at the beginning, Persian and its script have changed over the last few centuries. Old Persian was written in the Pehlevi cuneiform script. The Arabic writing system was adopted after Islamization during the development of New Persian. Since then, Persian has almost 50% Arabic words. The Persian alphabet thus contains a total of 32 letters7 and diacritical marks (cf. ibid., 83f). These are shown in Table 1. The table shows the name of the letter, its isolated spelling and the spelling within a word. The different graphemes are connected to the adjacent grapheme. This means that the spelling of a letter depends on its position within the word. If a letter is at the beginning, it is often written differently than at the end or in the middle of a word. In addition, the table shows the isolated spelling of the letter and its transcription according to the guidelines of the DMG.

Figure not included in this excerpt

Table 1 letters in the Persian writing system (based on: Saleman / Shukosvki 1889, 4f.)

For certain Persian sounds, the 28 letters of the adopted Arabic alphabet do not contain a grapheme, which is why the Persian alphabet has the following four graphemes:

1. Pâ <پ>
2. Tschîm <ﭺ>
3. Shâ <ژ>
4. Gâf <گ>

The six graphemes (ﺙ), (ﺹ), (ﺽ), (ﻁ), (ﻅ) and (ﻕ) are only used in Arabic words and thus provide information about the origin of a word (ibid. 1889, 3ff.). Persian has a total of six vowels: three short and three long. The short vowels / a /, / e / and / o / are not written within a word, only the short / o / is represented in some words with the letter Waw <و>. At the beginning of a word, however, the short vowels are also represented with the aid of the letter Alef <ا>, which has the function of a support or a carrier. The phonemes / ā /, / ū / and / ī / are the long vowels in Persian. The long vowel / ā / is called < ā ا> shown. The long vowels / ū / and / ī / are written with <و> (Waw) and <ﻯ > (Jâ) written and have an additional consonantic function as / w / and / y / (see Asbaghi ​​2010, 61). In addition to the four additional graphemes, the Persian alphabet differs from the Arabic one in another property. Some graphemes have the same pronunciation, which is why there is no 1: 1 grapheme-phoneme correspondence in Persian as in German. As stated at the beginning, both the alphabet and the typeface differ in Persian and German. When acquiring DaZ for learners without knowledge of a foreign language of a clockwise script, severe difficulties in learning the clockwise script are to be expected due to the counterclockwise Persian script. If a Persian speaker already knows the Latin script, he only needs to learn the umlauts / ä /, / ö /, / ü / of the German alphabet. If the learner does not have knowledge of the Latin alphabet, he must first be literate in it. In view of the fact that the German alphabet differentiates between upper and lower case, but not between the position of the letters within a word, a fast literacy of a learner can be expected. Because the Persian alphabet does not have an equivalent letter for every German letter, the Persian speaker has to relearn German phonemes such as / c / or / x /. It is to be expected that learners of the second type will more often confuse individual letters or, due to the Persian left-hand script, the order within one Swap word (Majidi 2000, 81f.).

2.3.2 Morphology

As already explained in the introduction, the study concentrates on the morphological and syntactic phenomena of the two languages, because this is where the greatest differences can be found. In the following section, specific morphological phenomena are examined. Error hypotheses are then set up on the basis of the language differences. The test procedures in Chapter 3.2 examine in more detail whether these prognoses can be empirically proven. The large difference within the morphology suggests an increased number of errors in the morphological area. In order to enable a prognosis about the quality of the errors, the Persian morphological phenomena are divided into three categories. In these categories relative pronouns, possessive pronouns, definite and indefinite articles, gender, plural formation, case and ezāfe connection are examined. The first category contains phenomena that learners need to acquire German, but which encounter a blank space in their source language. This includes certain articles and relative pronouns. If the target language has more complex rules than the source language regarding a certain phenomenon, this falls into the second category. These include cases, indefinite articles, possessive pronouns, and plural. The third category includes phenomena in Persian that German does not use. These are the Persian Ezāfe connection and the ablative case. On the one hand, no effects are to be expected when acquiring German due to the third category, because these phenomena do not exist in German. On the other hand, Persian uses the ezāfe connection for so many morphological phenomena that it has to be described in contrast to the ablative. The hypotheses made about possible mistakes in learning German are created on the basis of the following results.

First category

As already mentioned, the morphological phenomena of the first category include the specific articles including gender and the relative pronouns. In German, the specific articles 'der / die / das' determine a noun (cf. Duden 2009, 291). Persian has no specific articles (cf. Seidel 1803, 15; Amin-Madani / Lutz 1972, 40). A noun is determined in Persian if it is accompanied by the demonstrative pronoun in (1) or at (2) precede (see Amin-Madani / Lutz 1972, 40; Adli 2014, 188).

(1) in mard (that man, that man)
(2) ān zan (that woman, that woman there)

The definiteness of a noun can also be specified with the suffix - e marked (3). If a noun is in a possessive relation, the possessive pronoun compulsorily excludes the indefiniteness of the noun and thus defines it as a certain noun (4) (cf. Amin-Madani / Lutz 1972, 47). The marking of certainty is only possible for objects, which is why the suffixes described are referred to as object markers (cf. Adli 2014, 188).

(3) marde (the man, a certain)
(4) ketāb-man (my book)

There is no distinction between nouns according to gender in Persian. The gender of the noun is insignificant. In animals, additional lexemes show the distinction between male and female. With the lexemes nar and māde an animal can be identified as male or female (1-2).

(1) šire-nar (Leo) and šire-māde (Lioness),
(2) say-nar (Male) and sage-māde (Bitch) (see Amin-Madani / Lutz 1972, 40) .

Although gender has no meaning in the Persian language, certain personal names can be determined as masculine or feminine due to their semantics (3-7).

(3) mard (Man and zan (Women lady)
(4) āqā (Mr. and xānom (Mrs Miss)
(5) pesar (Son, boy) and doxtar (Daughter, girl)
(6) pedar (Father and mādar (Mother)
(7) amu (Uncle on the part of the father) and dāyi (Uncle on the mother's side)

[Herv. by d. Ed.] (Cf. ibid., 40).

Although a distinction can be made between male and female in people and animals, there is no grammatical gender in Persian (cf. Seidel 1803, 15). The missing gender is not only reflected in the missing specific articles, but also in the relative pronouns. The German language contains the relative pronouns "'der, die, das"; ,which'; 'Who, what', the relative article word 'which, which, which' the simple relative pro-adverb 'where, how', the relative prepositional adverb 'where, what on, through what about' and the relative particles 'ever, so, how,' as'" (Duden 2009, 1030). While the relative 'who / what' is used in free relative clauses and its reference word does not have to be mentioned in the sentence, the relative pronouns 'der / die / das' refer to a named noun. The relative 'which' can function as a relative pronoun and refer to the noun (1). In addition, 'which' can take on the function of a relative, the reference word of which is to be considered in the following sentence (2).

(1) This is the friend who had his birthday yesterday.
(2) The friend says her daughter is sick, which impression I confirm.

Persian has no relative pronouns, only inflectionless relative particles. These relative particles are relative expressions with the function of a pronoun (3-7).

(3) ânče (the one who or the one who)
(4) hamânče (the same that)
(5) har (everyone)
(6) har-ân-ke (who)
(7) har-ân-če (what) (see Rohschürmann 2008, 24; Lazard 1992, 123f).

According to Amin-Madani and Lutz (1972, 174ff), the function corresponds to the unchangeable particle ke in Persian the function of the German relative pronoun and is most often used in relative clauses. In addition, can also ce take on the function of a relative pronoun. Ce can be compared with the German relative 'was'. This relative particle does not refer to people, but to things like 'money' (8).

(8) „ har ce pul dāštam, xarj kardam. (What money I had (as much money as I had), I spent.) ”[Sic!] (Ibid., 175).

Despite the lack of relative pronouns, a relative sentence formation is possible in Persian. The formation of relative clauses is explained in detail in the syntactic examination.

Second category

Morphological phenomena used in both languages ​​belong to the second category. Within this thesis, only those are examined that have more complex structures in the target language German than in Persian. In the following, cases, indefinite articles, possessive pronouns and plural formation in Persian and German are examined comparatively. The learner already knows these four phenomena from their source language. The cases are to be assigned to the second category. They are used in Persian as in German, but neither article nor object changes in the genitive and dative case. In addition, Persian has no genitive object. Thus, only when learning German is it conveyed how a noun is declined from the case or a genitive object is formed. In both languages, the cases have the function of presenting and clarifying relationships within a sentence. In German, sentences are in the nominative, genitive, dative or accusative case. Specific endings are called case markers and can give an indication of the case in which a sentence is placed. The nominative is the normal form (cf. Duden 2009, 806f). The German case inflection depends on the number and gender. Case markers are various suffixes such as '- (e) n', '-e' or '- (e) s', which are attached to the noun and indicate which case is present. Since not every case requires a certain mandatory object marker, an object marker is not a sufficient criterion for the determination. It is noticeable that not only the nouns are adjusted to the case, but also the articles. In the nominative the article remains unchanged, in the dative the definite article 'der' becomes 'dem'. In the genitive, however, from 'die' and 'der' to 'der' and 'des'. Instead of 'the mother' in the genitive 'the mother' is written (1), instead of 'the father' there is 'the father' (2):

(1) 'the mother's letter'
(2) 'The Father's Letter'.

Definite and indefinite articles are adapted to the case. The individual rules should only be referred to at this point. The various rules are of no importance for the following investigation, but the fact that the article of a noun changes and a suffix is ​​added as an object marker (cf. ibid., 805ff). While German uses four cases, Persian can refer to an additional one, the ablative8. This occurs in many languages ​​of the Indo-European and Indo-European families and is known as an indirect case. It is used to express a separation. A sentence in Persian is usually also in the nominative (3).

(3) „ šāgerdān be madrese miravand. (The students go to school.) ”(Amin-Madani / Lutz 1972, 52).

Nomen šāgerdān (the students) is not inflected in relation to the case and comes after the preposition. Prepositions like be (to), barāye- (for) or az (von) introduce a sentence in the dative. The dative object always comes after the accusative object (4).

(4) „ minu pulrā be gedā dād. (Minu gave the beggar the money.) ”(Ibid., 52).

The dative object is here gedā (the beggar) behind the accusative object pulrā (the money). The preposition be (zu) introduces the dative and the verb dād (gave) is at the end of the sentence. If an accusative object is indefinite, how pul (Money), it stands behind the dative object gedā (the beggar) (5).

(5) „ homā be gedā pul dād. (Homa gave the beggar money.) ”(Ibid., 52).

Further rules for the Persian sentence structure are presented in the syntactic examination. Asbaghi ​​(2010, 26) confirms the statement by Amin-Madani and Lutz (1972, 54f.) That the genitive in Persian cannot be equated with that in German. In Persian there are no possessive pronouns that can be equated with German. A property relationship can be expressed with a compound possessive (6).

(6) “In otomobile-pezešk ast. (This is the doctor's car.) "(Ibid., 54)

The merging of property and owner forms a construction that can be compared to some extent with the German genitive object. In (6) this is otomobile-pezešk (literally: car-from-doctor). This composition is similar to possessive formation, as will be shown when examining the possessive pronouns. While the genitive of the two languages ​​is very different, there are similarities in the use of the accusative. The accusative particles - for the specific accusative object is the only case inflection within Persian and has the same function as the object markers already described in German. If a certain direct object is highlighted, the accusative particle - attached. This is how the object becomes sīb (Apple) the highlighted object sīb-r ā (this apple) (7).

(7) „ man sīb-r ā xordam. (I ate this apple.)
(8) man sībhā-rā xordam. (I ate the apples.) "(Asbaghi ​​2010, 32)

If the accusative object is in the plural, the accusative particle only becomes after the plural ending - Ha attached (8). Sīb-rā (this apple) is the singular form (7), sībhā-rā (these apples) the plural form (8) (cf. Amin-Madani / Lutz 1972, 52). In contrast to the definite articles, the indefinite articles belong to the second morphological category. In Persian a noun can be marked as indefinite, but not with indefinite articles like in German. The indefinite articles 'ein / eine' are only singular in German. In the plural, indefinite articles are dispensed with (cf. Duden 2009, 330). Persian uses different ways to mark a noun as indefinite. According to Amin-Madani and Lutz (1972, 40f), the numeral yak (one) can be used. In addition, the suffix - i an indication of the vagueness of a noun, e.g. aspi (a horse, any horse) (see Seidel 1803, 15; Adli 2014, 188). The number word yak (one) is placed in front of the noun unchanged. A declension is not necessary in Persian because it does not have a gender. There are various possessive articles and possessive pronouns in German. These are inflected according to gender, number and case (1,2).

(1) This is Sabine's car. This is your car.
(2) These are Sabine's cars. These are their cars.


1 As far as personal and group names are used in the following, the respective female form is also meant.

2 Migrants without German citizenship are considered foreigners.

3 The number of asylum seekers is only included in the number of foreigners of the Federal Statistical Office until 2015.

4 Because the distinction between DaZ and DaF in this work has no effect on the results, the term 'DaZ' is used as a synonym for both terms in the following.

5 The difference between different language courses will be explained further later.

6 The following work uses the transcription of the Persian script so that terms and examples are understandable for readers without any knowledge of Persian. Since there is no uniform transcription of the entire Persian alphabet worldwide, the DMG (Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft) is used for transcription.

7 As a letter, the realization of the grapheme is referred to here, which in turn represents the reproduction of a phoneme within the Persian writing system (Majidi 2000, 81).

8 The ablative in Persian has no function for the reference group when acquiring DaZ and is therefore only named.

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